"His Excellency Late Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba" (1920-1970)

1.

CHILDHOOD AND

SCHOOL EDUCATION

In the late 19th and early 20th century, it was habitual for people in the far eastern parts of Nepal to go to India, Burma and other neighbouring countries in search of work and a better life. Chakra Bahadur Subba along with his family including his son Makarjung Subba had also left Doramba (now Ammarpur) of Panchthar, Mechi, to reach Burma. And it was here Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba, affectionately known as GB among his family and friends, was born to father Makarjung Subba and mother Moti Dcvi on 16 March 1920 in Silange Basti, Memyo of Burma. This is where Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba grew up and spent his early life — a life both of joy and hardships.

Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba spent four years of his infantile days in his maternal uncle’s house. He was inquisitive, laborious and sharp. He was always very fond of doing and learning something new. He enjoyed reading and writing and always loved playing football and the guitar in early childhood. He started his primary education in 1926 when he was admitted to the Anglo Indian Vernacular High School, a missionary school. He was brought up in warm parental care until he completed his Lower Secondary studies. His father Makarjung, counted among the few best educated of his generation, had been holding a good job of a manager in a gold mine in Myitkyina. Therefore, he did not have to grudge for any economic paucity because of his father’s lucrative job. Besides, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba himself was a diligent and versatile student. His academic performance and extra-curricular activities were excellent, and the results at the terminal grade examinations were commendable.

Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba completed his secondary education with the examination for the School Leaving Certificate (SLC) from the same school in 1936. But by that time, he was compelled by circumstances to be independent and shoulder the great responsibility of caring for his mother, particularly after she became seriously ill.

Consequently, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was forced to join the army to support his ailing mother before the results of his SLC had been out. In addition to his duties in the army, he also had to look after his hospitalized mother by commuting from his office to the hospital daily and by fetching food and medicines for her. In spite of his unremitting effort and the strong longing for longer motherly accompaniment, she had already passed away on her hospital bed before he arrived there with food and medicine for her on the twenty-sixth day. That he was unable to do anything much to ease her condition during the last days of her life always remained his biggest regret. He had hardly served six months when his mother expired. So, he was certain to face a hard life in the days ahead. But he was hard working and honest; versatile and active in both physical and mental activities, and was devoted to his responsibility and duty. As a result, he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant in the Fourth Gorkha Regiment. However, in the two years of his military service, his father also passed away. According to the prevailing rules and regulations prescribed by the British, because Burma was under British Imperialism, he was made the manager of the gold mine in place of his father. He continued his job in Burma until the World War-Il reached its climax in 1942.

MEMORIES

2.

AS A PATRIOT

The devastating Second World War, a worldwide military conflict that lasted from 1939 to 1945, stormed almost the entire globe, causing irreparable loss of lives (sixty million people died) and property, changes in maps of many independent nations and nationalities, political changes and emigration of the unaccommodating mass of people. Burma was no exception. It created an unpredictable turmoil in the country. Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba had then just married Sukrawati Subba in 1942 when he gave up his job and left Burma. He reached Darjeeling in India accompanied by his wife and many other Nepalese. Struggle and hardship continued.

In 1945, a football tournament was organized in Darjeeling as a competition between the police and the railway station staff. Gyan Bahadur was a good football player and had already participated in many local tournaments, demonstrating his skill in the neighbouring belt. In that football tournament, as a hired player, he was included in the team of the railway staff and scored enough goals to ensure victory for his team. This provided him with an opportunity to join the railway staff as a clerk at the age of twenty-five. Later, he was also given the responsibility of the Security-In-Charge for the sector between Guwahati of Assam and Siliguri. Meanwhile, the war between the Allied Powers (UK, USA, Soviet Union et al) and the Axis Powers (Germany, Japan, Italy ... et al) reached a horrible climax and came to a stop in 1945, leaving a grievous experience, with irreparable damage on humanity and civilization, and gruesome loss of lives and property. Then, many Gorkhali war veterans settled down in north-east India, especially in Assam, and Gyan Bahadur also happened to be involved in their interactions, sharing feelings and experiences.

During the War, the Gorkbali war veterans had fought from the side of the British and participated bravely against Japan in Singapore, which lasted nearly two years. Of the Axis Powers, Germany and Japan had planned to meet in Afghanistan, and for that, Germany was supposed to move ahead defeating France, the African countries and Egypt, and Japan was to move ahead annexing Malaysia, Singapore, Burma and India into their hold. When it had been very difficult for Japan to move further from Singapore, British Colonel John Hunt with his ten million soldiers surrendered to Japanese Major General Iwaichi Fujiwara on 15 February 1942. The Japanese officers had then elicited a fact from them that the war in Singapore was prolonged just because of the invincible bravery of the Gorkhali soldiers, they provoked them that they should liberate India from British Imperialism and then Nepal from autocratic Ranarchy for democracy and freedom. “During the hundred-and- four years long Rana Regime, the dark era, social, political and educational condition of Nepal and the Nepalese people fell at the hands of exploiters, bourgeois; the whole nation was dark” (Sundas 76).

In the meantime, the famous revolutionists of Bengal, Rasbihari Bose and Subhas Chandra Bose had displayed themselves as the utter opponents of the British and were thinking about how to liberate India from their imperialism. And, in liaison with the Japanese, the Gorkha soldiers and Rasbihari Bose, who had already been called in Japan, initiated forming the Ajad Hind Phauj which took a full-fledged form in 1943. Later, Shubhas Chandra Bose was also brought from Germany to Japan. The Gorkhali warriors, now the volunteers associated with the Ajad Hind Phauj, were Puran Singh Khawas, Dii Man Singh Thapa Magar, Man Bahadur Rai, Budha Singh Gurung, Birjung Ghale, Rup Narayan Pradhan, Ram Prasad Thapa, Gulab Singh Thapa, Dil Bahadur Chhetri, Dan Bahadur Chhetri, Chhabi Lal Nepali, and Bal Bahadur Gurung. The Ajad Hind Phauj instigated fighting irresistibly against the British and had attained victory over most of north-east India before it became powerless along with the defeat of Japan and the end of the World War-Il in 1945.

Many of these veterans of World War-IT and volunteers of the Ajad Hind Phauj, who had been settling down in Assam and its contiguous regions, were charged with strong patriotism and obsessed with the thought of how to liberate Nepal from the Rana rulers and establish democracy. Subsequent to regular interactions with the Gorkhali warriors, Gyan Bahadur was also intently imbued with patriotism and determined to be involved in any activity or movement in Nepal for the liberation of the Nepalese people from the suppression of the autocratic Rana rulers.

On the other hand, after World War-IT, many intellectuals, patriots and Democrats became more active in the country and outside as well, especially in India, in order to uproot Ranarchy. The Nepali National Congress Party was established in January 1947, and its grand objective was to run many programs against the Rana Rule: to make the Nepalese people aware of the suppression and prepare them to revolt against it, abolish the autocratic Rana Regime and establish democracy in Nepal. They were to set up a kind of active cooperative network in the country and extend it outside, especially in India in a way conducive to run an armed revolution in Nepal in the near future. In the series of events and activities, the meeting of Puran Singh Khawas and Subarna Shumsher in Calcutta on 25 April 1948 was very significant. Both of them reached a common conclusion and contended that without an armed revolution, Ranarchy could not be abolished in Nepal. An office was established in Kolkata for Puran Singh to work for the preparation of the intended armed revolution. Then, he began visiting and contacting all of his former friends, veterans of World War-TI and volunteers of the Ajad Hind Phau;. In search of friends and volunteers for the impending armed revolution in Nepal, he visited the eastern parts of India: Siliguri, Kurseung, Darjeeling and Guwahati and their contiguous regions. Puran Sigh met Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba for the first time in Guwahati in 1948. The meeting of these two persons proved to be most propitious, for it expedited the process of forming the Janamukti Sena and initiation of the armed revolution that was to bring a drastic change in Nepal in 1951 AD.

Puran Singh also met C. B. Rai (Bantawa), Dil Bahadur Rai and many students such as Nirmal Lama, Donald Gransden, Shyam Tamang, Narendra Lama who were studying in Darjeeling and many warriors of the Ajad Hind Phauj such as Babu Lal Moktan, Dik Bahadur Tamang, and Harsha Bardhan Lama. He pleaded with all of these patriots to participate in the armed revolution against the autocratic Rana Rule in Nepal. When he returned to Kolkata, Puran Singh immediately brought Gyan Bahadur along with him.

Hence, in the eddy background and chaotic circumstances created by World ‘War-H, intellectuals, war veterans, volunteers, students, leaders, job holders and many others were united together by the patriotic impulse to prepare armed fighters, initiate the proposed armed revolution, uproot the Rana Regime, and establish democracy in Nepal.

3.

AS A MEMBER OF 

THE NEPALI DEMOCRATIC CONGRESS

On 20 May 1948, under the chairpersonship of Puran Singh, a secret meeting was held at his office at Chaurangi of Calcutta with an enthusiastic participation of many young students and the famous war veterans of World War-TI. These war veterans were later volunteers of the Ajad Hind Phauj. In the meeting, After broadly discussing how to supplant the autocratic Ranarchy with democracy, they reached a consensus that an armed revolution in Nepal was inevitable—an initial formation of the Janamukti Sena. On 16 July 1948, a mass meeting of the patriotic Nepalese was held in Calcutta that unanimously agreed to soon open a new party named the Nepal Democratic Party. At this point, Gyan Bahadur was simultaneously associated with these two organizations, and later also with the Nepali Congress Party which emerged with the unification of the Nepali National Congress and the Nepali Democratic Congress.

He became an active member of the Nepali Democratic Congress Party from the time of its inception and soon established himself among the party cadres as the most reliable devotee. In recognition of his ability and integrity, the party assigned the historic responsibility of accomplishing the first conference to him. The party decided to carry out its first conference in Guwahati, Assam, on 15 January 1949. Gyan Bahadur was not only an honest party cadre, but also a skilled, and successful organizer. As it was a challenging responsibility to prepare for the historical conference within fifteen days, he urgently called for a meeting of the party cadres in Burma Basti in Siliguri where under his leadership he decentralized the responsibility by forming small groups and giving them different responsibilities. He mobilized many groups of party cadres for its rapid publicity because it was not a simple task to circulate the information among the Nepalese inhabiting Nepal, India and Burma in a short period of time.

On the day, the participation of the Nepalese people was unexpectedly immense. It was very encouraging. The conference was successfully accomplished, and its credit indisputably went to Gyan Bahadur.

Right after this immense success, the Nepali Democratic Congress Party came to a full-fledged function. And both the party and the Janamukti Sena further thrived on progress co-operatively. Many fighters of the Janamukti Sena worked as volunteers in the party; they were also the party cadres. However, Gyan Bahadur mainly had to shoulder the greater responsibility of the Janamukti Sena.

Nearly after one year of the historical Guwahati Conference, party cadres again devoted themselves to accomplish the second conference of the Nepali Democratic Congress in Bhawanipur, Kolkata. On 16 January 1950, the second conference was opened with the massive participation of cadres from throughout Nepal and India with a grand purpose of evaluating the party activities of the year, extending the party and improving on weakness. The conference was successfully closed on the following day. As representatives of the Janamukti Sena, the participation of Gyan Bahadur and other senior commanders was historically important, for their role was accountable in the party as well. During the conference, there was a hot discussion regarding the probability of party-unification between the Nepali National Congress and the Nepah Democratic Congress, because both of these had a common ground of their advocacy that without an armed revolution, the emergence of democracy in Nepal was almost impossible. But Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba and Puran Singh were not in favour of the idea of unification. They contended that it was detrimental to waste time on worthless unification because the Nepali Democratic Congress had already been unable to carry out any revolution in Nepal. Moreover, this also indicated a sign of intuitive sense that the unification might result in a great loss on the part of its leaders in the future.

However, they did not stand strong against the final decision of the party. After three months of the second conference on 23 April 1950, the Nepali Democratic Congress and the Nepali National Congress were formally amalgamated in the Tiger Hall of Kolkata. Ultimately, the emergence of the Nepali Congress Party ensued from the historic unification. All freedom fighters remained inherent cadres of the party.

4.

FORMATION OF 

THE JANAMUITI SENA

Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba’s contribution to the formation, development and reformation of the Janamukti Sena is incomparable and immense. The concept of forming the Janamukti Sena occurred with a grand purpose of liberating the Nepalese people by abolishing the hundred-and-four year long autocratic Rana Rule with an armed revolution. There was a long historical background behind its organizational initiation going back to the meeting that was held on 20 May 1948 presided by Puran Singh at his office in Kolkata.

In the meeting was a massive participation of those Nepalese who had been truly urged by a patriotic impulse and prompted to sacrifice their lives willingly from Amritsar and Vakshu of India were Major Dii Man Singh Thapa Magar, Captain Man Bahadur Rai, Budha Singh Gurung, Rup Narayan Pradhan, Birjung Ghale, and Ram PrasadThapa Magar; from Kolkata were Dii Bahadur Chhetri, Dan Bahadur Chhetri, and Chhabi Lal Nepali who were originally from Syangja; from Siliguri, Kurseung, Darjeeling, Guwahati and Shillong were Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba, C. B. Rai, Dii Bahadur Rai, Babu Lal Moktan and the students, Nirmal Lama, Donald Gransden, Shyam K. Tamang, Narendra Lama, Ram Singh Nepali, Dik Bahadur Tamang, Harsha Bardhan Lama and Lok Bahadur Rana Magar.

The historically important meeting decided with a consensus to form an armed force, and then there was a long discussion about what to name it with. After a day-long discussion, it was Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba who proposed to name it “Janamukti Sena” to which all agreed. From amid the mass, Gyan BahadurYakthumba became the begetter of the name. This indicates that from the very beginning he played a successful leading role for the formation of the Janamukti Sena. It was that force which later ended an evil era and marked the beginning of another better one; apparently, it was the harbinger of a new chapter in the history of Nepal in 1951. From its inception, the name “Janamukti Sena” happened to be inextricably associated with the historical personage of Gyan BahadurYakthumba. After that, Gyan BahadurYakthumba never kept himself away from struggling against adversities that the Janamukti Sena repeatedly faced; instead, he always played a tutelary role.

The founder members of the Janamukti Sena held another meeting again at the office of Puran Singh on 25 May 1948. They planned to traverse through different parts of Nepal in order to study the objective reality and its geographical structure, and then return to Kolkata by the last week of June to outline the future plan only after a grand analysis of the ground realities in Nepal. Accordingly, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba, assisted by C. B. Rai visited Kathmandu which was the most important point from military perspectives.

Meanwhile, in Kathmandu, Badri Bikram Thapa had been working secretly against the suppression of the Rana rulers in the disguise of a teacher for the National Army. He was free to enter the army barracks whenever he wanted. Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba, with his help, was able to take Chitra Bahadur Tamang, an army junior officer, in his confidence, and whenever he later came to Kathmandu, he would stay in his house. Gyan Bahadur prepared maps of all the militarily hot spots of the Kathmandu valley, identified the main and the important persons of the National Army, collected adequate information about their residences, and made many confidential friends. Some volunteers of the Janamukti Sena had already begun working secretly in Kathmandu for their organization which later assumed the form of an Intelligence Network. The Intelligence Network functioned effectively before, during and even after the revolution. Before he returned to Kolkata, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba managed a safe residence for Jamuna Rai, as she was a female volunteer, who, as a member of the Intelligence Network, collected important information and dispatched them to the concerned commanders of the Janamukti Sena through secret channels.

In the last week of June 1948, the founder members of the Janamukti Sena held another meeting in Kolkata, at Puran Singh’s office, and formed an Executive Committee that was expected to prepare. a foundation for the impending armed revolution in Nepal on the basis of the information they had collected from the travel in different parts of Nepal, Puran Singh was elected its president and Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba and Dil Man Singh Thapa Magar its two senior vice presidents.

The whole responsibility of organizing the Janamukti Sena was assigned solely to Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba assisted by C. B. Rai. Intent upon and hasty in expediting the proposed armed revolution in Nepal in the near future, Gyan Bahadur began thriving systematically on organizational activities of the Janamukti Sena in Siliguri where a temporary camp was managed. Many volunteers of the Janamukti Sena would daily gather even from the distant regions. Based on the criteria such as ability, patriotic feeling and the experience in World War-IT, they were admitted to the Janamukti Sena, and they began to be trained regularly in the temporary camp of Burma Basti, Siliguri. They were acclimatized to regular parade and training, or whatever it was necessary for them to be trained combatants; their mornings began and days ended with a prayer to the goddess of power, Durga. Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba himself was a former lieutenant in the Fourth Gorkha Regiment of Burma, and many commanders involved as trainers were the war veterans of World War-II, later volunteers of the Ajad Hind Phauj, who had first received training in guerrilla-warfare from the British Army and later from the Japanese Army. So, the Janamukti Sena was growing larger rapidly and systematically.

The entire responsibility of training the fighters gathered in the camps centered on Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba. It was not at all an easy job to prepare them for guerrilla warfare. Moreover, they also had to be prepared psychologically for the approaching armed revolution. The success of the training depended fully upon Gyan Bahadur, though it was not so easy. A better organization of the Janamukti Sena was ensuing from his unremitting effort because he was also a skilled organizer, deft at coping with adverse circumstances. Altogether ten commanders including Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba himself were devoted turn by turn to train the fighters and inculcate in them all the codes of military conduct, discipline, lessons of patriotism, and other necessary training.

Furthermore, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba had also to be involved partially in the activities of the Nepal Democratic Party also. He and Puran Singh were to occasionally attend the meetings of the Central Committee of the party, and there, they had to inform them of the activities of the Janamukti Sena.

Since the temporary camp in Siliguri could not now accommodate the increasing number of the Janamukti Sena cadets, it was shifted to Gorakhpur in Uttar Pradesh, and then to Ilahabad. After some time, from Allahabad, it was again shifted to Lukhnaw where it was divided into three sub-camps. But soon it was strongly felt that the ever-increasing number should also match a proportionately progressive standardization of their war skills. For this, they needed an open, wider ground. Therefore, they again shifted the camps from Lukhnaw to Laheriasaraya, Darbhanga of Bihar.

In the meantime, the Nepali Democratic Congress and the Nepali National

Congress were unified on 23 April 1950 and consequently the Nepali

Congress Party was born. Then, with the new spirit of the Nepali Congress

Party, the activities of the Janamukti Sena swerved on a new direction at a

faster speed to launch the proposed armed revolution.

5.

ROLE IN THE ARMED

REVOLUTION-2007 B.S.

G.B. Yakthumba played a leading role during the armed revolution-2007 BS. At II pm, on II November 1950, the irrepressible armed revolution for the elimination of Ranarchy began simultaneously in different parts of Nepal. Throughout the period of revolution, he always fought in the

forefront of the battle as a brave and skilled warrior and war veteran. His adventurous, courageous involvement in battles and his gallantry made him a true war protagonist upon whom depended on the unprecedented success of the armed revolution. His incomparable contribution to the establishment of democracy, other successive betterments in socio-cultural conditions, later improvement in the condition of the Janamukti Sena and the Nepal Police, and his unremitting effort to defend and strengthen democracy have established him as the people’s great protagonist. The sacrifice of his family and personal interest to the national interest and the success of the great revolution proved him as one of the most important historical personalities. If we look at how he shouldered the armed revolution, he remains a unique figure in the history of  Nepal. The freedom fighter and ex-SP Shyam Kumar Tamang (2001) compendiously mentions his role in the armed revolution:

Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba also the main commander of the Janamukti Sena in the Armed Revolution-2007 BS. At that time, even though he remained active in the battles of mainly Bñunj, Thori, Upperdang Gadhi and Biratnagar, the grand responsibility of planning the revolution all over the country implementing and monitoring it was assigned to him. He was the decisive role to bring Biiunj, Thon Gadhi and Biratnagar under the control of the Nepali Congress Party.

VICTORIOUS COMMAND IN BIRGUNJ

The Koirala brothers were assigned to command the Janamukti Sena in Biratnagar, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba, Thirbum Malla and Budha Singh Gurung in Birgunj and Dr. K.I. Singh in Bhairahawa. Of these three major cities, only Birgunj was successfully brought under the hold of the Janamukti Sena and in that Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was the leading field commander in the battlefield.

Puran Singh Khawas was the chief commander, and the other senior commanders were Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba, Budha Singh Gurung and Thirbum Malla. These commanders had made a preplan to attack Birgunj from three different directions by dividing the Janamukti Sena proportionately in three factions:

the first group commanded by the indomitable Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was the leading force and it had to attack the army barracks from the front; the second group commanded by Budha Singh Gurung was to attack them from the south; and the third group commanded by Thirbum Malla had to attack the security post of the Office of the District Chief (the Office of the Baddahakkim) so as to defeat the security forces and arrest the Baddahakkim, Som Shumsher Rana. As they had preplanned, they had to reach their points and start attacking simultaneously at II pm on II November 1950.

But these commanders and the fighters had to come from across the border of India. Unfortunately, as the guide happened to miss the shortest path that would take hardly thirty minutes, they had to grope for it everywhere in the dark. Consequently, they could not arrive at the prefixed points at the scheduled time.

It was almost dawn of the following day, the 12th of November when Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba’s group of fighters arrived in the battleground in front of the army barracks. Thinking of having been beleaguered in all directions by the Janamukti Sena, from the side of the sentries of the National Army, a sudden firing broke out. It was, in fear, hasty and random firing with automatic weapons and sundry guns. Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba also ordered the freedom fighters to open a controlled, targeted firing, but as they were not well-equipped with heavy weapons in comparison to the enemy, they had to strategically use mostly the domestic guns and explosives to impress the opponents that they, too, possessed heavy and other various modern weapons. At times, they also used some long-ranges modern rifles that misled the National Army into believing that the Janamukti Sena had really come better- equipped. In that battle, Tej Bahadur Chetri was killed. He became the first martyr of the armed revolution-2007 BS (1950/51 AD).

On the other hand, the fighters under Budha Singh Gutting’s command were also fighting bravely; they were striving to move ahead and approach closer. But, unfortunately, Budha Singh Gurung lost one leg and one hand in the explosion of the grenade he was carrying when it was hit by a bullet from the enemy. A horrible shower of bullets was fired from a number of guns: Sten guns, Bren guns, Shotguns, etc.

Meanwhile, after having reckoned the situation, Puran Singh came to the right conclusion that it would be critical, rather precarious, on the part of the Janamukti Sena to prolong the battle and ordered the fighters to withdraw and instantly meet their field commander, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba, for a new strategy of war.

Then, disregarding the risk of losing his own life, Puran Singh rushed through the whistling bullets toward Thirbum Malla’s array. His fighters had already defeated the security force of Som Shumsher Rana and had arrested him. But Malla himself had been wounded by the bullet fired by the bodyguard of Som Shumsher.

The wounded commanders Budha Singh Gurung and Thirbum Mafia were hurriedly taken to the Duncan Hospital at Rakshol where looking at his friends, Puran Singh became very sad. Then, he wished to stay there all the day in the hospital looking after them, and leaving the arduous responsibility of maintaining its hold over Birgunj to indefatigable senior commander Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba who was endowed with an unconquerable willpower.

Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba then invented a new war-stratagem to sabotage the enemy: first to engage them in a daylong firing and make them tire, and to swarm into their barracks when it was evening or dark. Accordingly, the Janamukti Sena resumed firing at 10 am of 12 November from a long distance, and repeatedly sounded explosions. After sometime an airplane of the Himalayan Airlines, owned by Mahabir Shumsher, who was against the autocratic Rana Rule and was involved actively in the revolution, was seen making rounds over Birgunj and dropping pamphlets that warned the National Army that the plane was going to blitz them before the Janamukti Sena would pour upon them that evening.

At six in the evening, the National Army capitulated to Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba submitting a great amount of money and weapons: Bren gun (I), Sten guns (29), 303-rifles (80), revolvers (9), and a huge amount of ammunition. Then for the safety of Birgunj, he established security posts at certain places in the town. By nine o'clock in the evening of 12th November 1950, the Janamukti Sena held a complete sway over entire Birgunj.

CHANGE IN PLAN TO ATTACK KATHMANDU

The Janamukti Sena, which was assigned to start the armed revolution from the strategically most significant point of Nepal’s geography, Birgunj, made a risky plan. It was the most important point from the perspective of a successful war strategy because the Ranas and their army had been using the line linking Kathmandu and Birgunj through Purwanipur, Umlekhgunj and Bhimphedi while going to different parts of the country and India. At any cost, the very opening war at Birgunj was necessary to result in victory for the Janamukti Sena, even at the heavy loss of lives of the freedom fighters. For this, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was the sole commander in the battlefield and he, according to the pre-plan, had to first defeat the National Army in Birgunj and consign the responsibility of handling the area to Thirbum Malla. After that with his insurgents, he had to immediately reach the top of Chandragiri situated to the south of Thankot, Kathmandu. The plan further entailed the details: his troops were to take a short rest on the top of Chandragiri Hill because they would have been tired of the long night journey’. Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was to receive all the necessary information about the situation in Kathmandu through his Intelligence Network that had been working against the Ranas and their activities for months. At an appropriate time, he was resolute to intrude into Kathmandu, besiege the main barracks of the National Army, attack them at a lightning speed and bring Kathmandu instantly under the control of the Janamukti Sena. But nearly forty-eight hours later on the next evening 12 November 1950, Birgunj fell under the complete control of the Janamukti Sena, because they could not start firing at the stipulated time. Consequently, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba could not implement the grand plan.

Meanwhile, Gyan Bahadur received the information through the Intelligence Network that the brigade commanded by Ekraj Shumsher Rana was heading towards Birgunj in order to restore the Rana authority there. The senior freedom fighters held an instantaneous meeting and discussed first how to defeat Ekraj Shumsher’s battalion and next how to sabotage the entire National Army of the Rana rulers, which had been centered mostly in Kathmandu. They reached a conclusion that as it would be damaging for them to pour upon the centralized National Army, it was better for the freedom insurgents to form groups of small troops and scatter them in different parts of the country so that they could easily sabotage the enemy by adopting the strategy of Gorilla warfare. For this, fighters of the Janamukti Sena who had fought in Birgunj decided to divide themselves into small groups and to fortify different regions; It would be easier for them to hit the foes while following their scattered positions.

Accordingly, a group of freedom insurgents began fortifying Purwanipur as a bastion, waiting for the appearance of the large contingent that was sweeping through that village in Ekraj Shumsher Rana’s command. Soon their reconnaissance sentries began to be seen here and there, and no sooner had they started reconnoitring the contiguous areas of Purwanipur than the freedom insurgents commenced firing at them. They fired at the enemy not with a purpose to destroy or eliminate them, but simply to make them feel the presence of the Janamukti Sena and retreat for some time so that they would have sufficient time to inform Gyan Bahadur Yakthurnba about it.

Then Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba received the information, the Janamukti Sena set out on 20 November 1950 for the west toward Thon. The plan was to reach Thori and divide the fighters into two groups: one group was to continue moving further toward the west for Bhairahawa and as a contingent, be assimilated into the Janamukti Sena under Dr. K.I. Singh’s command and another group were to reach Chitwan which was to be annexed into their hold and then move further to capture Upperdang Gadhi.

Of the three major cities, only Birgunj fell in the control of the Janamukti Sena, whereas the battles in Biratnagar and Bhatrahawa had not been successful yet. Therefore, from Thori one group was planned to move straight toward the west in order to reinforce the freedom fighters who had been striving to achieve victory in Bhairahawa from II November 1950. Another group was planned to annex Chitawan and sabotage the Rana authority and their force at Upperdang Gadhi, and then as soon as possible reach Biratnagar for reinforcement. Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba commanded the second group because it was an arduous and risky task to gain victory over Upperdang Gadhi and rush toward Biratnagar. Moreover, the Koirala brothers had been repeatedly beseeching him to reach there as quickly as he could. They now depended fully on his bravery and skill.

VICTORY AT UPPERDANG GADHI

The Janamukti Sena erected a camp in Thori on a hillock from where the combatants could observe all activities across a long distance and began scrutinizing the whereabouts and daily activities of the enemy, the troops of the National Army. After a few days of camping, they were informed of the intrusion of Ekraj Shumsher’s battalion in Birgunj and of their further plan of foraging them. Then, having made an educated guess that the arrival of the enemy in Thori was still ten-to-twelve days away, they made a hasty plan of attacking and extending victory over Upperdang Gadhi and coming back there before their arrival, probably within a week. For this, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba had to command a small but very powerful troop that would consist of forty fighters.

On 23 November 1950, Gyan BahadurYakthumba, with his freedom fighters, set out from Thori, through Chitawan and Shikharpur, for an assault on the squad of the National Army that had been fortifying Upperdang Gadhi. And, at about eight o'clock the same evening, they reached Hattisar of Chitawan, where he asked the officers to prepare their elephants for the journey so that they could reach their destination soon. Riding on the elephants, the Janamukti Sena traversed through the wide stretch of Chitawan before they went across the Rapti River on small boats. They arrived at the bottom of Upperdang Gadhi, and there, they left Narendra Lama with Mahouts to wait for them until their return.

The freedom fighters began ascending the steep hill and it was almost eleven at night when they entered Shikharpur where they intended to move silently ahead without letting the villagers know of their arrival. But, they had already known it and seemed to have been waiting for them in the dark, and they had just started moving ahead through Shikharpur when they began chanting slogans of victory for them: May the Janamukti Sena be victorious over the Ranas! They inquired of them about the small troop of the National Army at the fort, elicited much information that was necessary and very conducive to their attack and climbed slowly upward silently.

It was midnight when they entered the fort. In the cold winter, a sentry, under a blanket, was sleeping soundly in the chair at the door holding his gun. Thirty other army personnel behind him were also in deep sleep. Little did they know that they had been made captives by the Janamukti Sena before they were awakened after the insurgents had already snatched the gun from the hand of the sentry and captured the cache and all other arms and ammunition there. As they were also the party cadres, trained for democracy and made aware of war-policies and human rights, they did not misbehave themselves with their enemy even after they had fallen captives in their hands.

After that, they rushed to arrest the Chief of the Fort who was also sleeping in his attic room in the dim light of a lamp. Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba and his aide Shyam Tamang entered the attic room through its window and saw the Chief of the Fort fast asleep with his wife. They poked him with their revolvers and slowly the couple woke up. And, as soon as the Chief saw them with their revolvers pointing at him, he, hastily handed the bunch of keys of the shelf over to them, pleading with them to take all the money collected there. Reflecting on these historical events, the freedom fighter and former IGP D.

B. Lama (2007) writes, “I, Bal Bahadur Basnet, Shyam Kumar Tamang and other fighters in command of Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba attacked Upperdang Gadhi and brought it under control.”

Hence, the small but power troop of the Janamukti Sena in G.BYakthums command easily gained another victory at Upperdang Gadhi and was further strengthened with the weapons they captured there and were also enriched with a great amount of money. As they pleaded with Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba that they had not got their salary of the month, he distributed the salary to them according to the record at the office. Then, he packed all the remaining money in forty-five leather bags and marked them with the credible seals of wax. He later on handed all the money to the Nepali Congress Parry through Puran Singh. “Gyan BahadUrthba is said to have given all the money he had brought from Chjtawanpp’ Gadhi to Puran Singh and the weapons captured there to Malla, who was the man of General Suberafla” (Magar 2062 BS, 35).

The fighters of the Janamukti Sena started their journey back and after some time on the way down, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba allowed them to have a rest for an hour. Next mornings after having breakfast which Narendra Lama had prepared at the bottom of Upperdang Gadhi, they continued their journey for Thori on eleven elephants.

After the victory at Upperdang Gadhi, the Janamukti Sena commanded by Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba arrived in Thori on 29 November 1950. On the same night soldiers of the National Army in Ekraj Shumsher’s command intruded into Thori where the Janamukti Sena under Puran Singh’s command had been waiting for them planting ambushes at the possible entrances. Unaware of probable assaults they were imperturbably overwhelmed to pursue the Janamukti Sena and were stern and confident to defeat it. When they almost fell within the ambushed area, Puran Singh fired his revolver as a signal for the freedom fighters to shower bullets and explosives upon the enemy from all sides. They also opened a counter fire and tried to resist with their heavy weapons. A bloody war between the pro-Rana National Army and the freedom insurgents shook the earth in Thori.

Meanwhile, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba’s fighters got hastily down the elephants, gave some amount of money to the Mahouts and other supporters from the leather bags they had confiscated at Upperdang Gadhi and also some domestic guns as a gift, picked up their heavy weapons and rushed towards the battle in order to assist their friends. Then, Ekraj Shumsher’s Kali Bahadur Battalion could not prolong the resistance. Battalion Commander Ekraj Shumsher himself was pulled down from his horse but was able to escape. Before sunset, on 29 November 1950, his unit was routed in Thori. The Janamukti Sena captured many weapons such as a Bren gun, a two-inch mortar, many rifles and ammunition.

There was some interesting information which is worth mentioning here. Puran Singh gave his watch as a gift to the fighter who snatched a Bren gun from the enemy. Likewise, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba gave his watch as a gift to the fighter who bravely snatched the two-inch mortar and his gold-chain to Chandrabir as an award for his bravery while jerking down Ekraj Shumsher from his horse on the ground.

Then, the entire Janamukti Sena was divided into two groups, one for the west and another for Biratnagar. According to their plan to reach Jogbani by train through North Bihar and Kattihar in India, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba and Puran Singh set out for the second attack in Biratnagar with one hundred fighters.

THE SECOND ATTACK1N BIRATNAGAR

Gyan BahadurYakthumba had to command the Janamukti Sena for the second attack in Biratnagar also. He was appointed General Officer Commanding for the eastern part of Nepal and in his adept command, Biratnagar was brought under control of the Janamukti Sena nearly one and a half month after the people’s armed revolution began.

On the journey from Thori to Jogbani, at the Kattihar railway station, they were informed that they were to go to Farbesgunj where a camp had been set up. They were supposed to meet the Nepali Congress leaders there before going to Jogbani. They held a meeting and decided to stay there for a few days more in order to be fully prepared for a victorious attack in Biratnagar. “Mr. Yakthumba was smuggled to Biratnagar in disguise to make a reconnaissance tour” (Koirala 2008, 154). They began scrutinizing Biratnagar the activities of Baddahakkim Uttam Bikram Rana and his National Army secretly through various recce agents. They had brought a Bren gun, twelve revolvers and twenty-five 303-rifles from Thori, which were not sufficient. Therefore within a few days, the number of freedom fighters and weapons were considerably increased. And, just before the full-fledged second attack in Biratnagar, the Janamukti Sena formed a committee of very experienced war veterans at Farbesgunj comprising Major Puran Singh, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba, Pahal Singh Lama who was a graduate from the British Military College, England, Captain Rom Bahadur Thapa Magar graduate from the Burma Military College, Captain P. B. Basnet, Captain N. Tamang Indian army, and Captain Narayan Singh Shah. This committee appointed Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba the General Officer Commanding of eastern Nepal and the main leader for that attack. His “main office was set up at Farbesgunj (Bihar)” (Magar 2062 BS, 48).

On the other hand, the National Army in Biratnagar was still strong and well-defended and had divided its soldiers into different groups to fortify different parts of the city. They had built up many security posts, heightened the walls and dug up many breastworks; they were striving to be stronger. LJttam Bikram Rana had already stored food, in his own residential office, which would sustain him and his army personnel for the next three months. They were not worried because in the meantime they were expecting a large contingent in Ekraj Shumsher’s command to arrive there soon.

As soon as the Janamukti Sena received the information that Ekraj Shumsher with a large battalion was sweeping toward Biratnagar, they aptly reckoned the subsequent circumstances and concluded that they should extirpate the army of Uttam Bikram Rana and capture his office (the Office of the Baddahakkim) before they were reinforced. Accordingly, the fighters of the Janamukti Sena shifted their base camp from Farbesgunj into the Jute Mill of Jogbani at night on 7 December 1950 and remained active overnight in order to set their control throughout Biratnagar. While attempting to besiege the Office of the District Chief and make Uttam Bikram and his army surrender to them, there was an overnight devastating firing from both sides that sputtered all the following day. Freedom fighter Dal Bahadur Thapa Magar gained martyrdom in that battle at Biratnagar.

Early in the morning on 9th December 1950, the main commander (for the second attack) Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba and leaders of the Nepali Congress Party climbed the tower of the gaol that was situated to the east of the Office of the District Chief and warned Uttam Bikram Rana through a loudspeaker2 that the entire Biratnagar had fallen in the control of the Janamukti Sena, and he and his army had been besieged and there was not a scintilla of escaping unless they timely capitulated to them and also assured him that if he abided himself by the warning and assurance before the Janamukti Sena had entered his compound. he himself and his army would be safe. Then, as a sign of surrender, a piece of white cloth was seen flapping on the top of his residential office, and Uttam Bikram Rana also spoke in a loudspeaker that if they guaranteed his life and safety of his people he was ready to surrender to them. Believing him and following the rules of war, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba asked Donald Grangden3, one of the freedom fighters, to go immediately with other friends Ang Tshering Lama and Tilak Subba in order to guarantee him of his safety. But Grangden with his assistants had just reached the middle of the open ground in front of the Office of the District Chief when the white flag was lowered and they started firing from Bren guns and rifles. All the three freedom fighters fell on the ground and lay there motionless. The Janamukti Sena became very sad thinking of them to have been killed, whereas Gyan BahadurYakthumba roared that the District Chief, Uttam Bikratn Rana was sure to soon face the inevitable punishment incurred by his incriminating tricks. But luckily, the three were still alive, not even wounded. They prostrated all day long pretending to have died. The National Army did not stop firing and were encouraged to see three insurgents lying dead.

In the evening, the senior commanders gathered at the camp in order to discuss further strategies and war policies. Dusk had just prevailed its reign when Donald Gransden and his aides whom they had given up unexpectedly appeared there. They became happy and encouraged. The army of the Baddahakkim had supposed them to have been dead, but as soon as it was dark they ran fast and jumped out of the enemy’s target range.

Apparently Biratnagar was the most important point for the Janamukti Sena to set their victorious hold because if they could do it, the hundred-and-four year long autocratic Rana family regime was certain to come to an irreversible end; otherwise, if they were defeated, the Nepalese people were likely to face a situation of prolonged struggle for an indefinite period of time. Therefore, at any cost, they were determined to bring Biratnagar under their control this time.

After the day-long encounter, the senior officers held an emergency meeting in the evening about how to take over Biratnagar as soon as possible. They discussed extensively and while trying to seek for several appropriate ways to sabotage the enemy_barracks, they proposed four ways: destroy the fortified Office of the District Chief by exploding it after having fitted gelatins around its wall; an airplane blitz bombing upon them; destroy the wall using a powerful cannon; and, use a war-tank to destroy the walls. Of these four, the fourth option fell in the common consensus of all senior and junior freedom fighters.

The Biratnagar Jute Mill was found to be the most appropriate place for the workshop of designing a cannon and producing its shells. Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba assigned this task to freedom fighter Phatte Bahadur Nepali who was experienced in such a risky work. Bhola Chatterjee and Tarapad Chatterjee, the expert technicians for designing powerful bombs, were invited from Calcutta. Phatte Bahadur devoted himself earnestly to the designing of cannon and shells and shortly prepared two cannons which were named Tej Bahadur Cannon and Dal Bahadur Cannon after the names of two freedom fighters Tej Bahadur Chhetri and Dal BahadurThapa Magar who first achieved martyrdom in Birgunj and Biratnagar respectively. They successfully experimented on the eastern side of the Raghupati Jute Mill. At the same time, Bhola Chatterjee and Tarapad Chatterjee had been working twenty-four hours until they fell in a deadly bomb explosion in their workshop, Biratnagar Jute Mill. It exploded when it fell accidentally on the floor from the table on which they had carefully kept it. They were the first two citizens of the neighbouring country, India, to sacrifice their lives for the sake of the Nepalese people and the success of the armed revolution in Nepal.

Next was the problem of obtaining a tank at which they could attach two cannons which Phatte B. Nepali had just prepared. And for this, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba and all commanders conceded to use the bulldozer of Ishowri Chandra Marwadi4 who had brought it from Imphal of India after the Americans had completed the construction of the highway linking Imphal and northern Burma during World War-il. He had been using it as a plough tank, but now they were to change it into a war tank, and within a short time, Phatte B. Nepali accomplished that task as well.

All the parts and engine of the tank were observed rightly, On 20 December

1950, at eight o'clock in the morning, tie main commander Gyan Bahadur

Yakthwnba ordered them to drive the tank on for the final hut victorious attack. Thick iron plates that were impassable for bullets had been welded around the tank; it was now completely safe to drive it and stay inside. The front plates bore small portholes through which only the driver and the gunners could peep out and see the enemy. A revolver and its bullets were given to the tank driver. The risky responsibility of handling the Brengun-I and the Brengun-Il, which were attached to the tank, was given to Hem Bahadur Pun Magar and Kesher Bahadur Rai respectively.

Early in the morning, many fighters of the Janamukti Sena and the common people gathered in the compound of the Biratnagar Jute Mill. Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba, Puran Singh and leaders of the Nepali Congress Party seemed hopeful to destroy the force of Uttam Bikram Rana when Gaurav Mani started driving the tank. But it had gone only three hundred meters ahead when its engine stopped, in front of Kali Mandir5, and when they examined its parts and the engine, nothing wrong was traced out. The priest of the temple whispered into the ears of Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba that it did not work because they had neglected Goddess Kali. Then Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba went into the temple, worshipped the goddess, and asked for power and success in their grand mission, and the tank functioned again!

At eleven o’clock in the morning, gradually the tank entered the open ground on the eastern side of the Office of the District Chief that had been fortified by the National Army. A storming firing broke out. The Office of the District Chief had already been beleaguered by the Janamukti Sena which was straining upon the start of firing from all’directions. The tank entered the ground and when it moved inexorably further toward the compound, Uttam Bikram Rana and his army, being afraid and much terrified, obdurately directed all their sputtering guns only toward it, and forgot the premonition of the imminent disaster around the walls, from other directions, As soon as the main commander, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba opened a fire as a signal for all the batteries of the Janamukti Sena, they, with the darts of blazing bullets, stormed the compound and the Office of the District Chief. All National Army mobilized in Biratnagar had been centralized with a flimsy anticipation to prolong their losing resistance. The storming firing from both sides was going on, and the tank was moving irresistibly ahead. Suddenly the tank stopped. Since Gaurav Mani could not see well from inside, the tank happened to climb over a well in the middle of the open ground, and it could not move on, nor could it swerve back for nearly fifteen minutes. However, there was a heavy firing from inside the tank also.

The enemy had considered the tank to have been destroyed, but nearly after fifteen minutes of Gaurav Mani’s effort, it again started moving slowly ahead with its terrible sputtering of Bren guns. Then, within a few minutes, the tank broke the wall down, entered the compound of the Office of the District Chief and began breaking down the entire wall around randomly. The war reached a climax, and it was sure if personnel of the National Army had timely surrendered to the Janamukti Sena, they would have been saved; but they tried running away, and many of them lost their lives when they were shot from behind.

Soon after the tank had entered the premises of the building, the Office of the District Chief, the main commander Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba and Shyam Tamang entered the building. There was pin drop silence; nobody was encountered there. War for many days, loss of friends and unpardonable treachery had made Gyan Bahadur Yakhthumba burn in inextinguishable fury; and as soon as he jumped into his residence, he warned the Baddahakkim, Uttam Bikram Rana that if he did not come down within a few seconds, he himself would reach him, in his hiding place. Then, in a white dress, he came down slowly in a pleading posture; he was trembling with fear in front of Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba as if he was standing in front of death and was begging for his life.

Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba also stood trembling with insuppressible anger because Uttam Bikram Rana had deceived them many times and had cruelly killed the innocent freedom fighters. A few days before, the wounded freedom fighter Dal Bahadur Thapa Magar was tortured inhumanely, shot dead and was continuously showered with bullets of Bren guns until his body had scattered into pieces. Another patriotic freedom insurgent Tula Ram Tamang’s dead body was thrown behind the building and foxes, vultures and dogs were snatching its flesh for days. The reminiscence of those poignant, cruel atrocities infuriated Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba who was holding a carbine rifle and a revolver. He pointed his revolver at poor Uttam Bikram Rana who in turn stood trembling, pleading and begging for his life until the last moment. In the meantime, Puran Singh and leaders of the Nepali Congress Party hastily approached and jointly asked Gyan Bahadur Yakhtumba to pardon him of his inhumane crimes and deception.

According to the live witness Shyam KumarTamang, Gym BahadurYakthumba was truly a patriotic combatant and true servant of the Nepalese people and the nation. If he wanted to kill Uttam Bikram Rana, the time before the arrival of Puran Singh and other leaders was sufficient to finish him; he was also charged with humane feelings and love and had a kind heart even to pardon the enemy. No sooner had he pardoned Uttam Bikram Rana lowering his pistol than his son ran down the ladder, jumped out of the compound and ran toward the north. But the Janamukti Sena shot him from behind and he lay there dead all-day-long. This was the place where the dead bodies of Dal Bahadur and Tula Ram had been left uncared for.

In the battlefield, Gym Bahadur Yakthumba always fought in the front commanding the Janamukti Sena adeptly and brought the important cities like Birgunj and Biratnagar in their firm grip. The second attack in Biratnagar was, at any cost, necessary to be victorious, because winning the war there belied the irretrievable extirpation of the hundred-and-four year autocratic Rana Regime and stable, irreversible victory of the Janamukti Sena and the Nepalese people. After this, the National Army that had been fighting for the Rana rulers began to be defeated throughout the country.

Hence, Gyan BahadurYakthumba played a vital role in defeating the pro-Rana

army and was appointed the General Officer Commander of eastern Nepal.

But his responsibility was greater during the revolution. So, Devi Prasad

Ghimire(200 1) rightly writes:

During the revolution, as he successfully commanded the freedom fighters in Birgunj, Thori, Upperdang Gadhi and Biratnagar and other places, the grand responsibility to make the plan of the revolution throughout the country, to implement and monitor it was assigned to Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba. (45-46)

6.

PEOPLE’S GOVERNMENT

IN EASTERN NEPAL

“Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was appointed the General Officer Commander (GOC) for the eastern region” (Tamang 2063 BS, 148 and Dhrubadev Rai 2064, 21 and 25), he was the preponderant role in suppressing of the anti-revolution and the formation of the people’s government in eastern Nepal. During the armed revolution-2007 BS, the Janamukti Sena was involved actively in the war in the eastern hilly districts, especially in Bhojpur, Tehrathum, Dhankuta, Khotang, Diktel, Okhaldhunga, Ainselukharka, Ramechhap, Sindhuligadi, Melung and in Charikot where they had fought betting their own lives for the success of the revolution and then for the sake of democracy and the Nepalese people. In many of these districts, the pro-Rana National Army and district administrators appointed by the Rana rulers were defeated when they strived to restore the autocratic Ranarchy.

In Bhojpur and Chainpur belt, Narad Muni Thulung, the commander in Bhojpur (Bhattarai 105) and Ram Prasad Rai, a renowned revolutionary leader of that belt (Shiwahang 2064 BS, 186) involved themselves actively m the revolution. Bhojpur became an important centre of military actions of the Janamukti Sena. The insurgents bravely and skillfully fought not only in Bhojpur but along the eastern hilly belt of Nepal. “Narad Muni Thulung was the centre of all the revolutionary activities and Lieutenant Ram Prasad Rai was military chief in Bhojpur” (Halrai 42). Under Thulung’s command, the Janamukti Sena gained victory in Bhojpur on 9 December, in Chainpur on 14 December and in Tehrathum on 18 December 1950. They also held control over Udayapur Gadhi and Okhaldhunga.

In the meantime, a powerful brigade equipped with modern arms and ammunition set out from Kathmandu through the eastern hilly belt in order to subdue the armed revolution and restore the Rana Rule. The brigade of the National Army numbering fourteen hundred including officers, soldiers and porters attacked Okhaldhunga, compelled the Janamukti Sena to retreat and restored the Rana administration again. But the Janamukti Sena of the belt again massed together into a larger number, attacked Okhaldhunga early in the morning of 18 December 1950 and defeated them. These were the revolutionary and the anti-revolutionary events.

On the other hand, the Baddahakkim of Dhankuta and his assistant Colonel Lochan Shumsher Rana were still actively involved in search of any possible alternative to restore the Rana Rule in the eastern hilly belts of Nepal and tried provoking some of the innocent, naive Limbus into creating a circumstance of retrogression. Lochan Shumsher sent a battery of twenty combatants in Gajendra Bahadur Limbu’s command to retrieve Tehrathum from the Janamukti Sena’s hold. For this, they marched from Dhankuta on 20 December 1950, and poured heavily upon the Janamukti Sena next day and supplanted them easily. Actually, in the real sense, this was the initiation of anti-evolution in the eastern hilly region of Nepal.

GOC Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba sent a troop of the Janamukti Sena that included commanders like Lok Bahadur Chemjung (Limbu), Nara Bahadur Shrestha and Laxmi Prasad Ghimire from Biratnagar to retrieve victory in Tehrathum. They attacked the National Army on 22 January 1951, made Lieutenant Gajendra Bahadur Limbu a captive, and assigned the administrative responsibility of the district to Laldhoj Limbu and Manbhakta Pradhananga.

“The Janamukti Sena in Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba’s command from Biratnagar and later assisted by insurgents from Bhojpur as well held control over Dhankuta” (Pradhan 28 and Thulung 94). But this time, the Janamukti Sena captured it without any bloodshed, because soon after Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was heard to have set out from Biratnagar for an assault on Dhankuta, the Baddahakkim Khem Shumsher and Lochan Shumsher made a hasty plan of capitulating to him. Accordingly, on 3 February 1951, Khem Shumsher and Lochan Shumsher, assimilating themselves into a mass of the common people and local leaders of the Nepali Congress Party, came down to a platform at a turning called Tin Ghumti, two kilometers below the Dhankuta City, where they, at last, surrendered to him. in this way, “the fighters [of the Janamukti Sena] commanded by Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba, C.B. Bantawa and Shivajung Rana won Dhankuta after the battle of a month” (K.C. 2055 BS, 188 and Sharma 2008 BS, 414). G. B. Yakthumba had come to Dhankuta with powerful combatants and Khem Shumsher and Lochan Shumsher were well informed of them. Meanwhile, the insurgents of Bhojpur also arrived there.

Then, in order to maintain peace and security, GOC Yakthumba formed a people’s government under the leadership of Lalit Bahadur Tumbahangphe (Limbu) and appointed him the Chief Governor of Dhankuta.

On 4 February 1951, GOC Yakthumba delivered a speech to a large mass in the parade ground of Dhankuta, assuring them that Ranarchy had completely declined, informed them that the people’s government had been formed and also warned them not to promote any kind of anarchy. Then, consigning all the responsibility to the newly formed People’s Government, he returned to Biratnagar.

In the meantime, Mrigendra Shumsher, Bharat Shumsher and Han Har Shumsher had been supplying a large amount of money for mobilizing the army in their favour, especially for attempting if they could restore their autocratic nile, and for secretly provoking some Rais and Limbus of the east to conduct anti-revolutionary activities. The anti-evolutionists had several times held secret meetings to discuss how to restore the lost Rana Rule before they arrested Ram Prasad Rai and Shree Pal Rai who were beaten severely and dragged cruelly into jail. Not only that, but they also fettered them and hung heavy iron weights to their necks. They also arrested Narad Muni Thulung, poured acid on his body and kept him a captive in the office of the earlier Baddahakkim of Bhojpur, because he was the leading commander of that belt. Before he had been arrested, of GOC Yakthumba made a plan to visit Bhojpur. That plan “had naturally further encouraged Narad MuniThulung to expedite revolutionary activities and he had also planned to invite Yakthumba to examine the weapons of the Janamukti Sena of Bhojpur” (Karki 2065 BS, 165). The complete fall of Ranarchy did not stop the resurgent remnants of the Rana Regime from promoting anarchy in the eastern parts of the country.

For that, the only ultimate way for the Interim Government was to depend upon Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba who could deftly suppress the anti-revolution and control anarchy. The Home Minister of the coalition government Biseshwor Prasad Koirala repeatedly beseeched him to subdue the political turbulence. Then, he, assisted by trustworthy commanders such as Donald Granden and Santosh Rai, set out from Biratnagar through Dhankuta for Bhojpur. His was the most powerful troop that included many freedom fighters of Tibetan origin, and it was a special troop for his personal security. At that time, the Janamukti Sena had stored many weapons and ammunition in Bhojpur and had it fallen in the hand of an adept enemy commander, he could have created great upheavals in the nation. All these had been captured by the anti-evolutionists, and after they had arrested Narad Muni Thulung and Ram Prasad Rai, nobody was there to resist them. And, the Ranas sent awards of large sums of money to them for their successful activities of regression.

But when they received the information that the Janamukti Sena commanded by GOC Yakthumba was swerving toward Bhojpur, they left the arms and ammunition and Bhojpur. As soon as his troops entered Bhojpur city, the large mass welcomed them. First of all, he freed Narad Muni Thulung and Ram Prasad Rai from the prison then delivered a speech to the mass and declared that Narad Muni Thulung was appointed the governor of Bhojpur. Then, having formed the people’s government and having established them in such a way that the advocates of the Rana rulers and their remnants could never raise their heads again he “with Ram Prasad Rai returned to Dhankuta” (Tumyahang 2061/62 BS, 17) and from there to Biratnagar. In terms of the revolution and antirevoltuiOn in eastern Nepal Major Santosh Kumar Rai (2051 BS) precisely mentions the role of Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba.

Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba, in whose command the armed revolution began from Birgunj and spread through Thori, Upperdang Gadhi, Biratnagar, Jhapa, 11am and Dhankuta, and B.B. Chemjung’s group (insurgents led by him) were jointly about to establish the Eastern Command Headquarters in Dhankuta. By endeavouring to do so, they intended to manage the administrative peace and improve the organization of the Janamukti Sena. (64)

Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba valiantly fought in the front during the revolution and no less significant was his role even after the ceasefire that was “declared by Matrika Prasad Koirala, the supreme commander of the whole revolution on 16 January 1951” (Tamang 2063 BS, 215). In his command, the Janamukti Sena had to struggle substantially against upheavals even after the declaration of ceasefire’.

These events that suppressed the antirevoluti0n and appointment of governors are the proofs how powerful Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba had been, what a dashing personality he had and how important role he had played for the success of the revolution.

Dr. Harsha Bahadur Budha Magar (2062 BS). referring to “the Bulletin-53” 12 Falgun 2008 BS by the Nepali Congress. writes: “Even after the order of ceasefire, the Janamukti Sena of Bhojpur and Biratnagar in G. B. Yakthumbas command were bringing Dhankuta in their hoLd” (60). But he refers to the bulletin in order to clarify that Dr. K.I. Singh did not violate the declaration as he was blamed for it.

7.

NEPAL AFTER

DEMOCRACY-2007

Gyan Ba}iadur Yakthumba, the leading protagonist during the armed revolution, contributed immensely to the establishment

democracy-2OO7 BS. He rightly deserves to be provided with a distinct place and importance in the history of Nepal. The period between the establishment of democracy-2007

BS and the death of King Tribhuwan remarkably designate the inescapably engaging dimension of his experience, which comprises many upheavals. A single glimpse at his life during the period is enough to comprehend the posterior events of the great revolution. The events that occurred in that period of his life are still a reverie, reflecting the real historical scenario of the then Nepalese politics that was in11 of intrigues and different conflicts:

sometimes conflict between the Ranarchy and democracy and sometimes between the monarchy and the parliament, and also deadly conspiracies were hatched against him.

ADVENT OF DEMOCRACY,

HIS POPULARITY AND POWER

On 15 February 1951, a new chapter was added to the history of Nepal when

King Tribhuwan flew back to Kathmandu from Delhi and the democratic

the system was introduced in Nepal. After a day-long discussion among the top leaders, in the very night political leaders were kept in certain places safely and they were assigned to play definite roles in the Interim Coalition Government that was formed on party basis—five from the Ranas and five from the Nepali Congress Party, under the Prime Ministership of the last Rana Prime Minister, Mohan Shumsher Rana. A new political scenario was initiated with the emergence of the democratic system and the Nepalese people became hopeful to enjoy a better all-inclusive democratic environment and enthusiastic to know more about the new democratic government, its activities, political leaders and their activities. And, one of the top leaders and commanders, most expected to be seen in the government meetings, was Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba, but to a great surprise and dissatisfaction of the common people, he was missing. He was not seen in government meetings and on other important occasions of national interest.

The immediate reason behind his absence in the important meetings was his ill health. From the very day the troop of the Janamukti Sena commanded by him escorted the king from the Gaucharan Airport to the Royal Palace, he was caught by high fever and stayed indoors in the accompaniment of one of the freedom fighters, Shyarn Kumar Tamang, for a few days in his residence in Thirbum Malla’s house. Only the top leaders, ministers and senior government officials knew the indisposition of Yakthumba, and it was not known to the public.

On the other hand, as it was a critical transitional period, the blind advocates of the Ranarchy were still in a persistent endeavour to create a situation of turmoil in the country. They had understood now that the real backbone for the success of the armed revolution was Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba. They secretly probed into the activities of the incipient coalition government and found out that such an important person was missing wherever he was expected to be present, and now they also knew that if the combatants of the Janamukti Sena were misinformed of his absence as a result of a conspiracy the situation of the nation would certainly take a different direction, a deviation from the smooth democratic progress. They thought of provoking the common people and the Janamukti Sena into creating a sensitive situation of anti-revolution.

The remnants of the Rana Regime after having the situation investigated cleverly from their point of view, began disseminating the rumour in Biratnagar that Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba had been arrested and put into jail in Kathmandu. As soon as the rumour spread among the Janamukti Sena, the situation was almost explosive; they were highly provoked by the news which they had never imagined or expected. The news was shocking, unacceptable and completely contrary to what they had been fighting for.

At that time, the strength of the National Army was five thousand, whereas the combatants of the Janamukti Sena numbered more than ten thousand. Moreover, the National Army which had been fighting for the autocratic Rana rulers had already been severely smashed by the Janamukti Sena which now was all-powerful in the nation. It was standing alert and very sensitive to any action against it and against any regressive move. It became so powerful that it could do anything if it wanted in the nation, and it had remained faithful only to Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba under whose single command it could bring a great upheaval; or, it could even reverse the situation. It was ready to obey him only. The party cadres and the common people also believed that he was the most reliable. He, therefore, was the most popular and powerful political leader and military commander.

As soon as the Janamukti Sena heard the spurious news of Yakthumba’s imprisonment in Kathmandu, they roared to threaten the accomplices, the Interim Government which had not taken its full shape yet and the Ranas that if Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was not freed and if he did not come back to Biratnagar within ten days, all the ten thousand fighters of the Janamukti Sena from different parts of the country with their heavy weapons would march towards Kathmandu for the rescue of their commander, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba. The Janamukti Sena was larger not only in number but also better-equipped with modern arms and ammunition and well-trained, too. It threatened them and was ready to march on at any moment.

The Interim Government was still in the process of taking its shape, and its

Congress (military) Governor was Keshav Prasad Koirala whom the Janamukti

Sena arrested in Biratnagar.

Soon the news of Janamukti Sena’s rebellious activities, rumor aboutYakthumba’s arrest, Keshav P. Koirala’s arrest, and their readiness to move toward Kathmandu with their weapons spread in Kathmandu, and all the Congress political leaders who had already been involved in the Interim Government became anxious and worried because they knew if the Janamukti Sena was not taken in immediate control, it might be unruly; the situation would certainly go out of hand and the future would be unpredictable. They knew only Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba could control it; the Janamukti Sena had faith only in him.

The top political leaders of the Nepali Congress Party in Kathmandu and the whole Koirala family in Biratnagar were afraid of the imminent uprising. So, the Koirala family appreciated Mrs. Sukrawati Yakthumba (Yakthumba’s first wife) who was at the time staying in Biratnagar and humbly. rather pitiably, pleaded with her for the release of Keshav P. Koirala. After she had inquired into the reality of Yakthumba, about his arrest in Kathmandu, she pacified the storming fury of the Janamukti Sena only then did the untimely destructive uprising subside. Keshav Koirala then was released. However, the circumstances still remained sensitive and critical. At any moment the Janamukti Sena, if it could not see its most trusted commander Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba, would explode in a destructive way foremost for his rescue. All the top political leaders, the ministers and the prime minister were aware of any probable outcome and were afraid of it.

Therefore, despite his febrile ill health, an immediate plan was made for Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba to return to Biratnagar via the flight to Patna, and from there by train through Jogbani to Biratnagar. It was a compelling journey in order to have a timely hold over the explosive situation. He settled down the imminent matter and the uprising subsided, otherwise they were about to start marching towards Kathmandu, and if they had done it, the political scenario with the Interim Government was bound to take another direction that would surely have been worse.

These historical events have proved that Gyan BahadurYakthumba had played a vital role at the time of national crisis and during the revolution; he was incontrovertibly the most important person, one who should have been given a decisive responsibility in the Interim Government. In this regard, freedom fighter ex-SP Tamang (2007b) says, “How significant was Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba who could hold control over the Janamukti Sena and the nation as well? What would have happened if ten thousand soldiers of the Liberation Army had reached Kathmandu because they were more powerful in every aspect than the National Army?”

In brief Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba actually was the one who, not even having received any important responsibility in the interim government, became the most responsible person and who had to defend and rescue the nation several times, There had been several critical moments at which without him and his bravery, far-sightedness and right action, there would not be the continuation of the monarchy, the Shah Dynasty, and the democratic system in Nepal would have been effete after 2007 BS, As the entire nation and the Janamukti Sena had an unalterably complete trust in him, he became the most popular and powerful historical personage.

HIS MARGINALIZATION

Ironically it is a matter of great misfortune in the history of Nepal that the attempt of marginalizing Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was initiated on the same day democracy was declared in Nepal. The worst luck of the Nepali Congress Party and democracy along with that of the Janamukti Sena began from the same day, 15 February 1951, when the decision was made to transform it into the Rakshya Dal. After a day-long discussion, the erroneous decision was made because of the adamant insistence of Bisheshwor P. Koirala despite Yakthumba’s persistent disagreement about it. Yakthumba had taken the stand, which reflected his far-sightedness, until the last moment that the Janamukti Sena should remain as an army rather than anything else. “The combatants of the Janamukti Sena who had fought in the front during the revolution were called to Kathmandu and the Nepal Rakshya Dal was set up” (Magar 2062 BS, 55).

Yakthumba’s persistent contention was that the Janamukti Sena had to be reorganized, restructured and preserved as the national army, but some top leaders of the Nepali Congress Party did not concede to it. Consequently, the history of Nepal conceived another unwanted, black chapter, which revealed itself in 1960 with the dissolution of the parliament that was formed of elected members, imposing the totalitarian Panchayat System that suspended the democratic rights and activities for the next thirty years. Moreover, if they had agreed with Yakthumba and preserved the Janamukti Sena in the form of the national army, the democratic government could have brought about great changes of national interest in Nepal. Freedom fighter ex-SPTamang (2007c) remarks, “If Yakthumba’s proposal was accepted certainly the scenario of present Nepal would have been different. The Nepalese people would have by now long exercised democratic political system in the country.”

The future of democracy and the Nepali Congress Party was inextricably linked with the future of the Janamukti Sena. But their future was wrongly decided at the very night of the day King Tribhuwan returned from India. It was an evil sign over the future of nascent democracy. As a result, there had been a series of evil conspiracies against the Janamukti Sena, later the Rakshya Dal and even against the Nepali Congress Party. Furthermore, after King Mahendra ascended the throne, he was able to impose the Panchayat System easily upon the Nepalese people and imprison the leaders of the Nepali Congress Party. All these ensued from the deceptive rejection of Yakthumba’s far-sighted expostulation about the future of the Janamukti Sena.

The Interim Government started its governance from 18 February 1951 under the Prime Ministership of Mohan Shumsher. As he was an active remnant of the autocratic Rana Regime a kind of imperceptible conspiracy against Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba, who was the real commander for the success of the armed revolution, was planted on the same day the Interim Government was formed. Some inner jealousy of some Nepali Congress leaders against his towering fame, popularity and power were added to it. As he was always at the forefront at all the critical moments, endangering his own life until the unprecedented success of the revolution was achieved, he rightly deserved to occupy some important decisive position in the interim government, but they starkly marginalized him. The first cabinet meeting made a mean decision to appoint him as Baddahakkim for Ilam; it was a sheer injustice to him. It was accomplished with a deliberate intention of degrading his fame and ineffable popularity.

Owing to the petty selfishness and jealousy of some leaders of the Nepali Congress Party, the remnants of the Ranarchy which had been constantly manipulated by a feeble hope of restoring their autocracy became successful to marginalize him. The leaders did not think of any probable plight that might befall them in the future; they were absolutely engrossed in some temporary personal interests, and meanly marginalized him relegating to a Baddahakkim of “C” grade officer. Freedom Fighter ex-SP Tamang (2007e) opines, “Gyan BahadurYakthumba was emerging as a very popular figure that the top leaders of the Nepali Congress Party became afraid of him:’ As a result, a kind of internal conflict, Jealousy and unnoticeable hostility sprouted within them, and they wanted to eliminate him from the political scenario.

AS BADDAHAKKIM OF ILAM

Though the first cabinet meeting of the Interim Government appointed Gyan BahadurYakthumba as Baddahakkim for ham District, they completely ignored Puran Singh. Being frustrated and deeply hurt, he went to Vakshu of Himachal, India. But after a few days, when the wife of Subarna Shumsher had seriously reminded them of Yakthumba and Puran Singh as the real champions during the armed revolution, Subarna Shumsher sent his family doctor, named Halder, to fetch Puran Singh. But he was also degraded to the post of Baddahakkim, the “C” grade officer for Gorkha District. Both “the heads of the combat forces” (Koirala 2008,154) and the real protagonists of the history of Nepal became the victims of injustice and minimization due to selfish opportunists.

Then Puran Singh went to Gorkha as the Baddahakkini mutely and without any opposition to the plot-hatchers. But Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba did not compromise on the degrading offer so easily. Instead, with his indifference to the discordant decision made by the Interim Government that the Rakshya Dal must have been loyal to the newly appointed commander Nod Bikram Shah, he took the entire Brigade of Biratnagar with all their weapons such as two-much mortars, three-inch mortars, Light Machine guns, many long-range cannons and plenty of bombs with him to the headquarters of ham district, because he was aware of any probable misfortune. About this bitter truth of history, Lama (2007) writes, “The newly formed Rana-Congress (Interim) Government dismissed him[Puran Singh] from the Rakshya Dal and expelled him from the Nepali Congress Party as well, whereas it sent

another commander Gyan BahadurYakthumba to ham degrading him to the Baddahakkim of ‘C’ grade officer” (62).

On the other hand, the Interim Government appointed Nara Shumsher Rana as the Inspector General of Police (IGP) and they promoted Nod Bikram Shah, commandant of the Shumsherdal Battalion that had been a long supporter of the Ranas, to brigadier general and later to the Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of Kathmandu. And then, the most sensitive responsibility of commanding the Rakshya Dal was assigned to him. The earlier Janamukti Sena, now Rakshya Dal of Kathmandu was forced to stay under the commander of their former enemy, Nod Bikram Shah who in turn had to accept the hierarchy just junior to the IGP, Nara Shumsher. This was a comic paradox that the Brigadier (not the IGP) was supposed to command the entire Rakshya Dal. The Rakshya Dal became the pathetic victim of the well-designed plot, portending the sequences of further betrayals and series of bitter conspiracies in the history of Nepal. The victorious Janamukti Sena (now Rakshya Dal) which had brought about the historical change in the nation was put into the mercy of the Ranas’ army which they themselves had almost defeated during the armed revolution. This tricky act of handing the Rakshya Dal over to the hands of their former opponents conspicuously marks the segment of the Nepalese history that was full of intrigues and deceptions. These contradictory and comic events occurred one after another simply because of the selfishness and short-sightedness of some leaders of the Nepali Congress Party and also as an unfortunate sequel to the denial of Yakthumba’s stand that the Janamukti Sena should be transformed into a form of the National Army. He was the only democratic champion who challenged them throughout his tenure as the Baddahakkim of 11am.

There was a decree for the Rakshya Dal that had been scattered in different cantonments throughout the country to submit their weapons to the central command in Kathmandu and to function in the future accordingly. But this was obviously a kind of submission to the enemy, and for that reason, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba, Baddahakkim of Ilam, did not allow them to do so; instead, contravening it, he instigated, from Illam, commanding the entire Rakshya Dal, except the troop mobilized in Kathmandu. He completely ignored Kathmandu, the central command of Nara Shumsher Rana. Gyan BahadurYakthumba was still all powerful because the most powerful force the Rakshya Dal conceded to his command only. On that account, the government was unable to take any step against him. He was now circumstantially to carry out two responsibilities, double roles: as the Baddahakkini of 11am and concomitantly the commander of the entire Rakshya Dal, except the troops in Kathmandu.

These events explicitly indicate that the advocates of the Ranarchy were still in the hangover of their pleasant past, hoping to retrieve the former autocratic regime. They never missed any opportunity conducive to their plot against the democratic government and the Nepali Congress Party. In 1951 AD, there occurred an unexpected event of deadly physical onslaught upon B. P. Koirala, then Home Minister; they had planned to assassinate him, but luckily he was saved by the Rakshya Dal.

The supporters of the Rana Rule left no stone unturned to weaken democracy and its backbone and advocates. By all means, they tried to make it a failure. Subsequently, they became successful to manipulate some straight-minded persons of the Rakshya Dal to act for the rebellious violence on 23 November 1951: the Dr. K. I. Singh Event. Then, the troops of the Rakshya Dal, working in Kathmandu, were charged with the crime of being traitors and were imprisoned.

These series of assaults upon democracy the leaders of the Nepali Congress Party and the entire Janamukti Sena and inseparably upon Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba were the unfortunate consequences of the indiscreet indifference to expostulation of Yakthumba about the future of the Janamukti Sena. The worst luck of the Janamukti Sena was inseparably associated with the luck and future of democracy and the Nepali Congress Party, but they were united to marginalize him instead of coming in concord with him. They further created the circumstances that successfully brought an internal conflict in the Nepali Congress Party which eventually split into B. P. faction and Matrika faction in 1952 AD.

Despite the overall situation that comprised all the physical assault upon B.

P. Koirala, which meant an assault upon democracy successful manipulation for the Dr. K. I. Singh Event from behind the curtain and imprisonment of the innocent fighters of the Rakshya Dal in Katmandu, there still existed ten thousand combatants of the Janamukti Sena under the command of Gyan Baliadur Yakthumba, Baddahakkim of Ilam. They could no more brook the series of injustices conspiracies and continuous strikes on democracy. They could not be helpless watchers of repeatedly committed incorrigible mistakes of some of the top Nepali Congress leaders and unpardonable crimes by the Rana remnants any longer. When P. M. (Prime Minister) Matrika P. Koirala, other ministers and the supporters of the Ranas heard that all ten thousand combatants of the Janamukti Sena were about to invade Kathmandu, they were afraid of an unpredictable outcome of their arrivaL Matrika P. Koirala persistently pleaded with Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba to immediately come to Kathmandu. He travelled by train from Jogbani to Patna and then took the

• plane to Kathmandu. As the Rakshya Dal was sure to go out of control, he humbly beseeched him to have a timely control over it because only he could do it. At that critical moment, he also proposed the responsibility of the central command to him. Having reckoned the situation rightly, he put forward two conditions: fIrst, all of the imprisoned fighters of the Rakshya Dal in Kathmandu be unconditionally released, and next, he be allowed to handle the central command from the Kathmandu Valley.

Before he returned to ham, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba met senior officers of the Rakshya Dal mobilized in Kathmandu such as Colonel Dil Man Singh Thapa Magar, Colonel Pahal Singh Lama, Colonel Surbir Rai Major Rom Bahadur Thapa Magar Major Narayan Singh Shah, Major Badri Bikram Thapa and others. As they had been paralyzed and made functionless, he inspired them that he was soon coming to Kathmandu in order to take the responsibility of the central command; they were happy to hear that he was again going to be their commander, the commander of the entire Rakshya Dal including those combatants who were working in Kathmandu. He further inspired them with an assurance to reorganize and reform their organization and a determination to devote themselves to the nation and the Nepalese people. With this, his tenure as Baddahakkim ended.

AS DIG OF KATHMANDU

As there was no other way around for escaping the critical circumstances, Prime Minister Matrika P. Koirala immediately accepted the conditions put forward by Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba. He came to Kathmandu in January 1952. All the arrested soldiers of the Rakshya Dal, who had been alleged to have participated in the Dr. K.I. Singh Event was freed of all the fake charges, and he was declared the DIG of Kathmandu. In that critical situation, “P.M. M.P. Koirala called Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba, the main commander of the Janamukti Sena during the armed revolution from 11am to Kathmandu and on 28 January 1952, he delivered a speech in the name of the Rakshya Dal, its officers and soldiers who had been scattered throughout the country” (Tamang 2063 BS, 231). In the speech, he tried to clarify that the rumour of being the soldiers of Rakshya Dal imprisoned in Kathmandu was not true, and from the date onward he was their Chief Commander. He also said that as a coincidental trap, some officers and soldiers of the Rakshya Dal were found to have been involved in the Dr. K.I. Singh Violence, and therefore, asked them to remain vigilant and alert to any possible provocation as such.

The entire command over the Rakshya Dal was fully handed over to the DIG of Kathmandu, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba. He was accepted as the Chief Commander by responsibility and power but by a post only the DIG. This was because Nara Shumsher did not resign from the post of IGP. As he was samdhi of King Tribhuwan, the government could not force him to resign immediately from the post.

However, it was conditionally arranged that the DIG of Kathmandu, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was to command the entire Rakshya Dal and did not have to act as per the order of the nominal IGP, Nara Shumsher Rana. This was the most awkward, paradoxical situation in the history of Nepal. The most powerful person was appointed as the DIG, and Nara Shumsher, without any role or power, occupied the highest post—a real proof of how popular and powerful Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was and how the series of evil plots were hatched against him.

The Ranas, remnants of the Ranarchy and their supporters did not stop inventing series of conspiracies against the Nepali Congress leaders, democracy and the Rakshya Dal. But, after he became the DIG of Kathmandu centering the power on him, all the conspirators secretly united together to make him the only target. They had broadly analyzed the nationwide situation and rightly understood that they were compelled to bring the most trusted person of the Rakshya Dal to Kathmandu and appoint him as the powerful DIG, more powerful than the IGP. It obviously implied that democracy was still strong and becoming stronger.

So, they began hatching one plot after another against DIG Yakthumba. They were trying to take any possible means not only to oust him from power and post but also to assassinate him. In 1953 AD, he was once poisoned nearly to death. Luckily he was saved by Dr. Sunder Mani Dixit from Dillibazaar.

According to Dr. Dixit, if he had arrived there only one hour later, he would have died. At that time, DIG Yakthumba was staying in the house of Arbind Shumsher Rana as a tenant at Kamal Pokhari.

Nara Shumsher was the leader of the conspirators and acted especially behind the curtain. He had already set up indestructible trapping network at the uppermost level. He was both samdhi and life long aide-de-camp (ADC) to the king; and, on the other hand, King Tribhuwan himself had contributed greatly to the success of the armed revolution. For this reason, the top Nepali Congress leaders who had already been involved in the government were unable to stand in outright opposition to Nara Shumsher, despite his unpardonable crimes.

After a few months of the poisoning incident, they invented another dangerous labyrinth of conspiracy into which they tried their best to entangle DIG Yakthumba. They secretly prepared a fake letter under his name. In the spurious letter, alleged to have been written by DIG Yakthumba secretly ordering his confident juniors, was mentioned that as fighters of the Rakshya Dal were all-powerful, they could do anything in the nation; they should dethrone the king and sack all others in power and initiate a kind of revolt against them. The conspirators submitted a sealed letter to the Prime Minister, asserting that they had coincidentally caught it somewhere between DIG Yakthumba and its secret destination. They carried out their performance in a way of a perfect dramatic enactment, and its core purpose was to prove Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba a traitor and send him to life long imprisonment.

But Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was never a person of evil plots, nor did he have any personal interest, nor was he selfish. Instead, he was an honest person devoted to the freedom of the Nepalese people and Nepal. He was a true servant of the nation and had already won immense popularity. In consequence, his well-wishers were found not only in barracks or at one place but everywhere in the country. Luckily, the drafter of the fake letter happened to be one of his own well-wishers, who secretly gave the original draft of the fake letter to him before the conspirators had submitted its copy to the Prime Minister. This time also, he was proved innocent.

Though Nara Shumsher was immediately noticed to be the main designer of the conspiracy, an Enquiry Commission under the chairmanship of the Secretary of the Home Ministry was formed. The Enquiry Commission formally probed into the crime and declared that Nara Shumsher was found out to be the main conspirator. However, no action was taken against him. The assumed process of legal action against the culprit was deliberately delayed so that it would be eventually forgotten.

Further inspired by the deliberate dismissal of the case of the fake letter, Nara Shumsher and his accomplices hatched another deadly plot, by using Colonel Surbir Rai, commanding officer of the Bijeshwori Battalion of the Rakshya Dal that was situated at the present Chhauni at the bottom of Swayambhu Nath. They first provoked him by instilling innumerable negative impressions about DIG Yakthumba into his mind, and then manipulated him to implement the nefarious plan that he should take his battalion to attack the residential battalion of the DIG (Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba) and shoot him dead, and also convinced him that as a reward he would be then promoted to the post of IGP. They further assured him that, with his silent approval, even the king had been involved in the secret plot from behind. When enticed to get promoted, Surbir Rai meanly showed his fidgeting promptitude to accomplish the evil plot. They fixed the time, eleven o'clock in the evening of the date. It occurred one day in the last week of October 1953. They also bribed him with a heavy sum of money to organize an indulgent party for all the accomplices.

But as DIG Yakthumba was a shrewd, far-sighted person always aware of intrigues, there were his people and his well-wishers in every barrack. Some of them had been also associated with his Intelligence Network before and during the armed revolution. About his shrewdness and ability to analyze the unfavourable situation, Lama(2007) points out that “They [opportunist officers, soldiers and plot_hatchers] sided themselves with Nara Shumsher to finish Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba, but the freedom fighter of the armed revolution Yakthumba had understood all such evil matters, political foul games and conspiracies very well”

A soldier, one of his well-wishers, slipped out of the Bijeshwori Barracks, rushed toward his residential office, or residential barracks at Tongal, and after having informed him of the impending disaster, he again rushed swiftly back to slip secretly into his barracks. He informed him early at about eight in the evening, whereas they had planned to attack him at eleven.

He instantly sent his guard commander to find out what the reality was at the Bijeshwori Barracks. When he reached there, many officers and soldiers were merry-making; some were extemporaneously speaking that something terrible was going to happen that night; some were found heading hastily toward the barracks to participate in the covert plan. The terrified guard commander rushed hastily back and reported him in detail the horrible scene he had seen in the Bijeshwori Barracks.

DIG Yakthumba immediately sent for Colonel Dii Man Singh Thapa Magar who was his most trusted of the officers in the barracks of Kathmandu. Du Man Singh Thapa, a veteran of World War-Il and later volunteer and also promoted to the post of major in the Indian National Army respectively, was one of his well-wishers. He was trained first by the British officers and later by the Japanese officers. DIG Yakthumba asked him to take his battalion immediately to the Bijeshwori Barracks and disarm the rebels before ten in the evening.

Then, Colonel Dii Man Singh in lightening spirit reached there with his battalion, and the Bijeshwori Barracks was besieged. His troops jumped into the cache, captured all the arms and ammunition, and arrested them; they disarmed the whole barracks, all rebels before it was ten. The whole battalion was brought to the headquarters; DIG Yakthumba’s residential office at Tongal.

Actually, DIG Yakthumba had never imagined of such a nasty betrayal from Colonel Surbir Rai. He had never doubted any officer and soldier of the Rakshya Dal. Moreover, both DIG Yakthumba and Colonel Rai were from eastern Nepal and from the Kirant communities. In this regard, freedom fighter ex-SP Tamang (2007 h) remembers that DIG Yakthumba sadly asked him if, provoked by the Ranas, he wanted to kill his Kiranti brother. He was deeply hurt by the unexpected involvement of Surbir Rai in such a terrible conspiracy against him.

All the senior officers of the Bijeshwori Barracks were dismissed from their job, Surbir Rai was obliged to face several trials before he was sent to jail. During the course of trials, DIG Yakthimba made him chant the names of all the plot-hatchers from behind, who had manipulated him to implement it. He enumerated many evils, of whom the then nominal IGP, Nara Shumsher Rana and his assistant DIG Tek Narayan Shrestha were found to be the main antagonists.

Then, an Enquiry Commission was formed from the side of government in the chairpersonship of the secretary of the Home Ministry, and it comically enacted a dramatic performance in the pretext of Robin into the criminals and their crimes, even though the fact had already been public. Nara Shumsher was

expected to meet his nemesis. Weeks and months were spent hopefully waiting for a legal action, but nothing happened.

DIG Yakthumba and in his leadership, the entire Rakshya Dal felt compelled to seriously take some decisive steps. Accordingly, he submitted a resignation letter to the Home Minister, Mahabir Shumsher, in which first hundred and fifty officers of the Rakshya Dal including DIG Yakthumba himself were going to resign cocurrently from their respective posts, and even after that if no action against Nara Shumsher was initiated, in the second phase, all personnel of the Rakshya Dal would tender their resignation. The resignation letter also contained a serious warning that the government and the Enquiry Commission would have to be responsible for any kind of its consequences in the nation. And, in the meantime, the Nepali Congress Party also wrote a letter of threat to the Prime Minister that Nara Shumsher should not hold the post any longer.

It was a critical situation and nobody could predict the aftermath of the collective resignation, except that it was certain to exacerbate it. Definitely, the top political leaders, the prime minister, ministers and the king perceived a premonition of probable disaster in the country; so, this time, no alternative was left for the king to adopt any pretext for allowing Nara Shumsher Rana to escape from the series of felonies. The king, the prime minister and all others in the government were afraid of the resignation letter and its probable consequences. Ultimately, with the mute approval of the king, Prime Minister Matrika P. Koirala was compelled to sack Nara Shumsher Rana soon from the post of IGP.

In this way, the turbulent tenure of Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba as DIG of Kathmandu ended bitterly to begin another chapter of his life, but with the unforgettable past in his memory. The aforesaid series of conspiracies, rather felonies, were hatched against him, not on the basis of any personal issue, nor for any personal retaliation, but simply because he was the backbone of democracy.

AS IGP OF NEPAL

Actually, the repeatedly occurring conspiracies against Gyan BahadurYakthumba were not only against an inçlividuak they were in fact against entire democratic norms and values, against democracy, democratic government and against the Nepalese people. Therefore, after the Bijeshwori Event, as it was now too much, the Nepali Congress Party also wrote a letter of strong threat to the government, averring that Nara Shumsher. Rana was a most controversial person, always involved in felonies against Democrats and democratic system, and therefore, he must no longer hold the glorious post of IGP; and if he was not dismissed from the post soon, the Nepali Congress Party would be forced to take strong steps. Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba received strong support from both the Rakshya Dal and the Nepali Congress Party. As a result, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was designated to the post of IGP of Nepal in 1953 AD, replacing Nara Shumsher.

He was the first IGP representing the Janamukti Sena, or the Rakshya Dal, the common people and also his community. He never yielded to circumstances that were detrimental to democracy and the Rakshya Dal. “After he became the IGP, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba started organizing the police force” (Lama 2007, 66); there had been many historical changes especially in his Department. He attended the cabinet meetings, and he was the only IGP who was involved in making important decisions of the nation through the cabinet meetings. Standing in strong opposition to the idea of the government that some foreign police officers and experts should be invited in order to reorganize the Rakshya Dal, IGP Yakthumba himself took the responsibility of reorganizing and restructuring it. He transformed the Rakshya Dal into the present Nepal Police; merging the nominal old Police Department and the Rakshya Dal into a better, stronger modern Nepal Police. So, he is the real designer of the glorious modern Nepal Police. The Nepal government assigned the full responsibility of reorganizing and modernizing the police department to him. Freedom fighter Tamang (2063 BS) writes about some of this contributions:

• Firstly, many officers of the Rakshya Dal were immediately appointed as officers at different units of the old nominal police offices. Freedom fighter Shyam Tamang was made the assistant of Tarak Bahadur Shah, the head officer at the Central Police Department in Kathmandu. Officers of the Rakshya Dal were placed in top posts also in various units of the Terai.

• There was an immediate initiation of improvements. In order to eliminate the crisis of confidence that still existed between the police personnel and the Rakshya Dal, both the old police and the new ones from the Rakshya Dal, even if they were not on duty, were made to participate compulsorily together in a two-hour parade every morning in the barracks of the Rakshya Dal, situated in Patan, and after parade, they had to resume their assigned duties.

• A culture of joint labour, devoid of partiality between the old police and the Rakshya Dat, was initiated, and that helped to make the police organization free of discriminations among the old and the new police and the Rakshya Dal.

• A plan was made to selectable militia from different parts of the country in order to appoint them in the Police Department permanently and the rest, who were considered unable to join the police, were to be transferred to the National Army. For this, many officers of the Rakshya Dal were asked to be active in different parts of the country.

• In order to enhance the abilities of the Nepal Police and to make them imbued with patriotism and true servants of the nation and of the Nepalese people, all the new and old officers were jointly mobilized in different parts of the country, beyond Kathmandu.

• As part of a long-term plan and policy for building up the prowess of the

Nepal Police, IGP Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba sent the following officers to

complete the course for senior officers, offered at the Police Academy in

Muradabad, Utter Pradesh, India: Pahal Singh Lama, Ram Bahadur Thapa,

Dhundiraj Sharma, Nahkul Shumsher Rana, Chiranjeevi Shambhu Rana,

Nanda Bir Lama, and Indra Chhetri.

IGP Yakthumba endeavoured hard to unite, rather amalgamate, the remnants of the old Police Department and the Rakshya Dal, and consequently, the Nepal Police emerged. He successfully ushered the glorious organization that consisted mostly of the former Janamukti Sena, freedom fighters. He then charged them with a new spirit and a better creative zeal and gave it a new direction. He rescued it first from the precarious state and then enabled the police personnel both mentally and physically, who became sound enough to face any adversities. Subsequently, the Nepal Police has been able to create a glorious history about which it boasts today.

Furthermore, he developed a culture of humanity, equality and democracy within the organization of the Nepal Police that in turn further influenced the nation to gradually foster the universal norms and values of humanity and inclusive democracy. He was the first IGP and higher authority to appoint and uplift the so-called untouchable Damais to the rank of officers. In the mess hall, all sat together. He practised a model of inclusive society that was based completely on equality and ability, regardless of any mean partialities based on traditional unscientific caste differentiation. In the organization under his guidance and supervision, all the Brahmins, the Chhetris, the Janajatis, the Kamis, the Damais and others had equal opportunities and were united together by humanitarian feelings of brotherhood and togetherness. He always tried to inculcate in them these humane egalitarian values and urged them to practise in real life.

For a long time, until Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was promoted to the post of IGP, the entire Rakshya Dal had been completely neglected even by the democratic government, because it was formed after all with the agreement and participation of the Rana rulers. The combatants of the Rakshya Dal had been working in a pay-roll, on a wage basis. IGP Yakthumba now regularized them by managing their regular payments. After they had been transformed into the Nepal Police, he fully modernized them by equipping them with the available internal resources, expertise and skills.

In short, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba held these posts of Baddahakkim of ham, DIG of Kathmandu and IGP of the Nepal Police respectively during the ruling tenure of King Tribhuvan. He had a close relationship with the royal family who had understood that he was a true servant of the nation. When King Tribhuwan returned from Delhi on 15 February 1951, his troop had escorted the royal family from the Gaucharan Airport to the Narayanhiti Palace. Rightly recognizing his love for the nation and the Nepalese people and his contributions, he was honoured Gyan Bahadur with the decoration the Suprasidda Gorkha Dakshin Bahu (second class) in 1951. But sadly, after the death of King Tribhuvan, his service as the IGP of Nepal ended in 1956. By then, the Nepali Congress Party had also completely forgotten him.

8.

CORONATION OF

KING MAHENDRA AND

HIS IMPRISONMENT

In the wake of the success of the armed revolution2007 BS (1951/52 AD), fully supported by democratic King Tribhuwan, the coalition government was formed in 1951, and democracy was thriving on a gradual progress despite much deterrence till 1960. However, a kind of imperceptible conflict among the political leaders directly

or indirectly helped the resurgent remnants of the Ranarchy repeatedly hatch many evil plots against democracy and its advocates and champions. In such a state, King Tribhuwan passed away and his son Mahendra Bir Bikram Shah

• ascended the throne on 13 March 1955. As he was a clever, and ambitious king, different from his father, his ascension brought about a sudden vicissitude of the political sphere and the government system in Nepal. Urged by his ambitious desire to rule directly, as soon as he became the king, he began looking for several pretexts with which he could marginalize the prevailing political powers.

With the exception of the monarchy, there existed three other centers of power at that time: the National Army, the Nepal Police and the Nepali Congress Party Of these, the Nepal Police had a democratic origin and was historically associated with the Nepali Congress Party which was now a huge obstacle on the way to fulfilling the king’s high ambition. For that, he needed an alternative force that could counter it. Accordingly, he gradually began to be guided by a propensity to reorganize and strengthen the National Army which had fought for the Rana rulers and it had now become functionless and powerless. It had been reduced to a nominal army by the insurgents during the revolution. The army officers as well as the soldiers were also traditional and not fully trained, though they had participated in World War-il.

On the other hand, the Nepali Congress Party, though a democratic force, had grown effete, because of short-sightedness and petty selfishness of some top leaders who became unable to stabilize, systematize and strengthen democracy. They could not eliminate the nostalgic remnants of the Rana Rule for a long time even after the formation of the democratic government. In such a situation, the ambitious political desire of the king apparently swerved to end the democratic system, and for this, he followed the stepwise implementation of his covert plan.

King Mahendra wanted to send the top leaders of the Nepali Congress Party to jail, but for that, it was necessary for him to eliminate IGP Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba from his preponderant position of power. He was still all-powerful and certainly would not tolerate any blow upon democracy and the imprisonment of democratic politicians.

The king first brought the National Army under his protection, acting as a kind of guardian that actually belied the ambitiously cherished grand motif— grand on his part—of being a supreme head of the state. The National Army had become leaderless and was waiting for a commander who could reorganize it and provide it with protection, and he astutely seized the opportunity to quickly bring it under his patronage. He reorganized the army by inviting many Indian army experts in the pretext of a project the Indian Military Mission to Nepal. “A group of twenty Indian army specialists set off for Kathmandu on 27 February 1952” (Yadav 2040 BS, 335). Select army officers came to Nepal and began training the soldiers of the National Army. He completely modernized the Army with heavy modern weapons. As a result, the National Army gradually emerged as the strongest force in the nation.

Actually, the king had done all this simply because he wanted to be an all- in ruler and rule directly, and for that, he had to attenuate the Nepal Police which had been reorganized, restructured, and better trained and strengthened by IGP Yakthumba. The main purpose of the king in his perseverance to establish the nominal National Army as the strongest force in the nation was to defeat the Nepal Police in case it revolted against the monarchy. Then, he mobilized the army to implement his plan.

IGP Yakthumba was made the first target. The troops of the National Army besieged his residential office Shree Mahal at Pulchwok in 1956 AD. One night. at gunpoint Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was forced to resign from the post of IGP and then was taken to the Government Guest House at Tripureshwor behind the present Telecom Building, where he spent a life of imprisonment for nearly six months. He was kept in a twenty-four-hour surveillance of the army personnel, deprived of all the basic human rights and cut off completely from the outside world, even from his relatives. Though King Mahendra had understood that Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba had sacrificed his li& in order to set up a democratic constitutional monarchy and that the Nepali Congress Party had launched the armed revolution, he was blinded by his towering ambition that was obviously leading him to be a potentate.

Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba became the first victim of the National Army in the history of Nepal, but for that, King Mahendra had to do a long exercise:

reorganize the nominal National Army by inviting Indian military officers to train, modernize, and equip it with modern weapons. After that, he easily pulled down the series of historical events: he used the National Army in order to ban the multiparty system in Nepal. Leaders of the Nepali Congress Party were besieged by the very National Army when they were attending the meeting of the Tarun Dal before they were arrested at Bhugol Park. With the help of the National Army, he was successful to dissolve the parliament and impose totalitarian Panchayat System upon the Nepalese people on IS December 1960. Then, he named it “The Royal Nepal Army” on II June 1965 and made it solely loyal and responsible to mainly the Royal Family, the Shah Dasty.

Hence, the coronation of Mahendra marked the real beginning of the deadline of democracy. As Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was the backbone of democracy, he was imprisoned. These events have proved that he was the pillar and champion of democracy.

9.

AS A DIPLOMAT

Gyan BahadurYakthumba was spending a life of imprisonment at the Government Guest House at Tripureshwor, there was a kind of hubbub and a hot discussion among the Royal members. According to one of the cabinet ministers Bhupal Man Singh

Karki, also a well-wisher of Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba—as reported by freedom fighter ex-SP Tamang, one of the queens of late King Tribhuwan in agitation contended that Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was the only true person who helped and saved them, and further warned King Mahendra that the indiscreet injustice to him would surely cause a divine curse upon the Royal Family. She stood persistently against the idea of his imprisonment.

Far-sighted, cunning King Mahendra felt compelled to think Over the matter. Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was the all-powerful democratic champion, behind whom were the entire Nepal Police and also the Limbuwan; so, after his release, if he wanted to do something against him and his government, he could do it easily. After a long, detailed threshing out of various ideas, the king came up with a solution that would be in accord with his mother’s request and he would also be safe from any probable disaster from Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba

if he could send him to a foreign country Applying the principle “out of sight, out of mind”, he decided to appoint him the Consul for Burma. Indeed, the Rakshya Dal, later the Nepal Police and even his relatives eventually forgot him.

He was appointed the Consul for Burma in 1957 AD; with the appointment, his service as a diplomat began and lasted there through 1960 AD. In 1960 AD, he married Indira Yakthumba in Burma. He successfully completed four years of his diplomatic tenure, by establishing, maintaining and further strengthening diplomatic relations of Nepal with the South-East Asian countries.

As soon as he returned to Nepal from Burma, he was promoted to Consular General for Lhasa where he worked from 1961 to 1965 AD. During the period, he contributed greatly to the progress in trade between Nepal and China. As a sequel to his diplomatic effort, he was able to collect fund from the Nepalese traders for the construction of the Araniko Highway and that further developed the relations between China and Nepal and also helped to foster mutual trade.

In 1965 AD, he was again first appointed to the vacant post of Ambassador to Burma as the Chargé d’ Affaires, a.i. (a diplomatic tide), and after four months to the post of Ambassador. His Excellency Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba from Burma had to look after the diplomatic relations with other countries also such as Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, Malaysia, and Indonesia. He was designated as the Ambassador of Nepal to South-East Asia. In addition to this, he also represented the interest of his government in Singapore and Hongkong. In 1966, His ExcellencyYakthumba became the Dean of the Diplomats in Burma, an honorific tide conferred on the seniormost Ambassadors in a posting in the diplomatic service. Till date, he is the only Nepali Ambassador to achieve a diplomatic tide of that high honour. For his outstanding diplomatic service, he was conferred with the national decorations of the Suprasiddha Prabal Gorkha Dakshin Bahu (First Class) in 1964 (cf. p. 101) and the Jyotirmaya Suvikhyata Trishakti Patta (First Class) m 1967 AD (cf p 100). He had distinguished himself as the most successful ambassador of Nepal and was still in service when he passed away on I March 1970.1

Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was still in service when he passed away. When he became sick his leave was extended for treatment.

10.

AS A DEMOCRATIC LEADER

Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was truly a democratic leader, always infused with humane feelings of equality and guided by the norms and the universal ideals of democracy. He

— was a practical leader and never limited the concepts of democracy and equality to only the impractical terrain of

theory. He brought them into effective propitious practice and became a captivating figure and the centre of hope for the Rakshya Dal in particular and for all the Nepalese people in general.

Because of his democratic ideals in practical life, he distinguished himself as a charismatic leader of tremendous popularity in the nation. When some officials, even the prime minister and ministers, were found aberrant in their

• duties and responsibilities, he did not hesitate to chasten them with his firm readiness to resign from his post and that was most exacting for the contemporary critical situation of the country; he was a person of moral rectitude. In this regard, freedom fighter ex-SP Tamang (2007a) says, “He would never be alone to resign if he had to do it. The whole nation and the entire People’s Liberation Army were always ready to obey his single order’ Their determined readiness to comply with his request and support him was prompted by his irreversible, innate principle to stand staunchly on the side of truth and honesty.

Actually, he once became the most powerful person and the centre of power for the entire sensitive action. Freedom fighter ex-SP Tamang (2007a) states, “If he wanted to sack the ministers and even dethrone the king, he could do it; he could take an unassailable hold over the government and the entire nation, but it would be an unpardonable sin even to think whether he had thought about it sometimes’ He became the centre of power but never misused it; instead, he categorized himself to be an ordinary cadre and always behaved in the way a ground-level cadre of the Nepali Congress Party would do. In his manner, he was nothing more than an ordinary citizen, a Nepali citizen and an ordinary member of his political party. He was a practical embodiment of honesty, magnanimity, and uprightness.

After the overthrow of the hundred-and-four year long totalitarian Rana Regime, the armed People’s Liberation Army was transformed into the Rakshya Dal, and later on, into the form of the Nepal Police, which laid the real foundation of the glorious history of the present Nepal Police. In that rudimentary state at which the Nepalese people had just been freed of the autocratic system, the entire nation and the Rakshya Dal, the most sensitively responsible department of the government, had to undergo a myriad of adversities. Shortage of food and expenditure; insufficiency of all the basic needs such as lodging, fooding, clothing were prevalent. They had to spend their nights of struggle not only for weeks and months but for seasons under the open sky, surviving on the poorest supply of food. They used the green leaves of banana as their plates and had to share a single blanket among many.

It may sound unbelievable today but IGP Gyan Ba}adur Yakthumba never exposed himself as a proud commander of his juniors but always treated all equally, regardless of their hierarchies of rank. He inspired them to work in the model of democracy, trained them to adopt the norms and values of equality and always presented himself as the true embodiment of love, friendship and closeness. He never claimed a separate luxury that would suit his rank of the Inspector General of Police. During the Dashain, while having a meal, he would always sit together on the same blanket with all present there regardless of their caste and rank differences. This shows that his inclusive democratic ideology was reflected in his practical activities that were ahead of his time and favourably reformatory as well. In this regard, freedom fighter ex-Sp Tamang (ZOO7a) comments, “Yakthumba had initiated a kind of model society, and if he had lived longer and if his initiation was perfected, perhaps the present problem, the touchy issue of the caste system would not have remained in its present detestable form.”

Moreover, he never allowed his juniors to touch his banana leaf whenever they wished to take it away as a sign of respect for him, after they had had their meal; he himself would pick it up and throw it away into a dustbin. He was the IGP by power and rank, but a democratic practitioner by the manner and the rules of conduct.

What can be a better example other than this that Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was a democratic practical leader guided by democratic norms and human values?

Besides, he was also a good organizer and skilled manager which further made him a reliable guardian for those who had been working under his command. He was bold in terms of duty and responsibility but had also understood human nature, which sometimes manipulated people to behave beyond the set boundaries of rules and regulations. Yakthumba was endowed with these characteristics, very essential to be a man of success. Freedom fighter ex-SP Tamang (2007a) points out, “He is the only IGP in the history of the Nepal Police Force, who would spare time for his juniors, listen to their problems

and help them individually.” He had won many people. his peers and juniors, who remained loyal to him and played a vital role to save him when there were conspiracies plotted against him or his life.

He was a paragon of virtue, charged with humane feelings, always driven by a co-operative desire and positive impulse, and deeply concerned with identifying the real problems of his department and of the entire nation and their relevant solutions. He was an ideal leader and great reformer of his time and became successful to prove himself as an advocate of humanity, democracy and justice. For these reasons, if he is forgotten and not offered a proper place in the history of Nepal, that would be the sheer injustice not only to him but also to humanity, democracy law and order, History remains utterly unconsummated without his inclusion.

Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was not only a democratic and practical leader but also a revolutionary and great socio-cultural reformer. He was the pioneer of the socio-cultural reforms that have been carried out so far after the establishment of democracy in 2007 BS (1950/5 I AD). He stood firmly against the outmoded, classical rigidity of caste-classification and all unscientific social stratifications that were still prevailing in contemporary Nepalese societies. He was that historical person who appointed the so-called lower caste, untouchable person, Phatte Bahadur Nepali as a senior officer and Kale Damai in his Band Company as a senior officer. Freedom fighter ex S P Tamang (2007a) reveals, “Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba did this for the first time in the history of Nepal.” In the model society he had envisioned, all the Brahmins, the Chhetris, the Kamis, the Damais, the Janajatis and all others would receive equal humane treatment, position and respect and be able to live with self-worth and pride.

He was also far-sighted and diplomatic and knew how to carry himself among the people of contrasting levels and dissimilar social origins. And, on special occasions like the Dashain, he would organize grand parties with the sole purpose of establishing and maintaining a relationship and thereby understanding one another. The parties used to be attended by all ordinary people as well as the king, the prime minister, other ministers and all other high ranking officers. However, he himself was never a man of luxury and affluence.

11.

A CHARISMATIC

PERSONALITY

Gifted with uncanny genius, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba had a charismatic personality only a few people are blessed with as a token of great surprise to the common people and rulers, but on their own part making themselves legendary beings. And, his was the name of some great protagonists

encountered in some unforgettable historical events that occur in the course of human civilization. His dashing personality sounds lively and impressive even after several generations. About such a great man, Ammar Tumyahang (2060/61 BS)’ writes, “Gunjaman Subba, the [Deputy] minister [for Health] of the local people’s government formed after Dhankuta had been brought in their hold still remembers the dashing, charismatic personality of Gyan BahadurYakthumba” (IS); he still survives in his memory.

His personality dominated the autocratic rulers of the Rana Regime, and others even after the establishment of democracy in 2007 BS. Though he was not a ruler, Yakthumba had the remarkable identity of some distinguished rulers, and power seemed to emanate even from his physical posture; he was fearless and made the antagonists, the evil characters of the Rana Regime bow down their hitherto considered indomitable heads. Even the advent of democracy accepted the same evil characters in high authorities, e.g. Mohan Shumsher and Nara Shumsher Rana and it was only Yakthumba whom they could hardly face directly whenever they met him.

Another incident worth mentioning is about Nara Shumsher Rana, who was the grandson of Juddha Shumsher, the son of Bahadur Shumsher and the lifelong ADC to the king—all powerful at that time. He had been considered to be the only official with the most predominant personality and nobody could face him; nobody was courageous to have an eye contact with him. Nara Shurnsher Rana was superior by birth and family background and by power and had many supporters in the high circle of authorities. Freedom fighter ex-SP Tamang (2007a) says, “Even such a hitherto regarded man of imposing personality, Nara Shumsher Rana, felt compelled to bow his head; it was a kind of silent submission of an adamant personality to Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba. He could never face him directly. People never faced him directly, but he himself in turn never had a direct eye contact with Yakthumba. In the history of the Nepal Police, there wasn’t any IGP like Yakthumba in the past, nor will there be again in future. I think Yakthumba was the first and the last IGP of such a rare, predominant personality.”

After the Interim Government was formed, Matrika Prasad Koirala became the prime minister in the democratic government of Nepal, and Mahabir Shumsher Rana, the home minister. But in the cabinet meetings, the presence of Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was sometimes inevitable. The ambience of the cabinet meetings would be dramatically different whenever Yakthumba was present there. Ex-SPTamang (2007a) rhetorically raises a question, “Can you imagine any IGP attending cabinet meetings in Nepal? But, yes, Yakthumba did attend! At present, no IGP can do this, nor did anyone before him, nor will anyone in the future.”

Actually, Yakthumba was a lion of confidence, of manner and of posture. He was daring, determined, dashing and dominant. Many times, the then Chief Secretary Chandra Bahadur K.C. and the Secretary of the Home Ministry had to stand aside to let Yakthumba walk on the passageway. They would leave the corridor undisturbed as if a lion was passing by.

However, even though Yakthumba could dominate them with his charismatic personality, he did not have any person to assist him in that high circle in which he had been working, whereas Matrika Prasad Koirala and Mahabir Shumsher Rana had; nor did he have any family background like that of Nara Shumsher. If he had any, he had strong willpower, determination and unyielding spirit. And, along with these, ex-SP Tamang (2007a) adds, “He also had a warm feeling of friendship and openness.”

Furthermore, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was the Rommel of Nepal. Field Marshal Erwin Rommel of the German Army, known as the Desert Fox was a brave, tireless, versatile and very capable commander who was idolized by his Afrika* Corps. In this respect, Yakthumba had his characteristics. However, unlike Rommel, he was an example of a true democrat, a champion of democracy. His contribution is great to the formation, shaping and reshaping of the glorious history of the Nepal Police and the endeavour of establishing and strengthening the inchoate democracy in Nepal.

12.

HIS FAMILY

Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba married Sukrawati Subba (Yakthumba) in 1941 AD in Namtu, Burma. But

a year later, when World War-Il reached its climax and as Burma was invaded by the Japanese army, many Nepalese who had been working there for years had to leave the country. And, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba with family came to Darjeeling in India, and spent his days of struggle in its contiguous areas—Kurseung, Siliguri and later in Guwahati. He fathered his elder son Madhukar Yakthumba while staying in Darjeeling and two daughters Bharati Yakthumba in Siliguri and Poonam Yakthumba when he was staying in Nepal. Then, leaving the whole family responsibility to Mrs. Sukrawati Yakthumba (his first wife), he fully involved himself in the people’s revolution.

After he became the IGP, he with his family began staying in Kathmandu. However, his two children were kept in Darjeeling for their schooling. Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was an honest servant of the nation and was always devoted to his duty and responsibility. He sacrificed his family and personal interests to the establishment of democracy.

Gyan Bahadur Yakthuniba was appointed as the Consular General for Burma in 1957 and with that began his contribution to the nation as one of the most successful diplomats of Nepal. In 1960, he married Indira (Yakkha) Yakthumba with whom he spent the rest of his life. He served as the Consul

General from 1961 through 1965 in Lhasa where his younger son Nirakar Yakthumba was born.

His elder daughter Dr. Bharati Yakthumba served in the Nepal Police for a long time and was promoted to the Senior Superintendent of Police. She is married to Dr. Megh Bahadur Gurung and the younger daughter Poonam to Bobby Nara Singh Rana. The younger son, Nirakar Yakthumba has been contributing a great deal to the development of Nepali art, music and sports. Besides being the founder of Kathmandu Jazz Conservatory, a music and art college, and the popular musical band 1974 AD, he is the Executive Director of Gyanodaya Bal Batika.

Mrs. Indira Yakthumba established Gyanodaya Bal Batika School in 1975 in fond memory of her late husband His Excellency Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba and has been playing an important role for the educational development in Nepal. She has been honoured several times with decorations and awards.

13.

HIS CULTURAL

IDENTIFICATION

Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba and his ancestral land Doramba/ orômba/ of Panchthar District have a cultural recognition in the Limbu community. The historical land of origin of the Limbus is the region occupied mainly by Mechi and Koshi zones. The Limbus have already migrated to major

cities of the country and to other countries such as India, Burma, Malaysia. Singapore, and England. They call themselves “Yakthumba”, a Limbu term. It was etymologically derived from two Limbu terms “yok” which means fort and “thumba / umba/ ‘which means brave. Over a period of time, the term “Yokthumba” has been changed to “Yakthumba”. The umbrella term ‘Limbu’ or ‘Yakthumba’ covers more than five hundred sub-castes, thars /[]ôrs/ and one of them is the family surname of Gyan BahadurYakthumba “Hembeya”; he is the Hembeya of the Limbus. The Hembeya thar and Doramba have cultural importance in the Limbu community.

The Limbus have many domestic deities; eagle-deity, monkey-deity, cat-deity and so on. In the beginning, all such divinities revealed themselves in certain thars of the Limbus; for instance, the monkey divinity, according to the Nepali poet and Limbu scholar Bairangi Kainhla (2051 BS), first appeared in the Hembeya Limbu. The narration about how it originated and its ritual practice is still performed in the Limbu community. According to the narrative, once upon a time, monkeys entered cornfields of Hembeya Limbus in Doramba of Panchthar, Mechi Zone, Nepal. They chased them many times out of their village. But the monkeys did not stop coming to their farms and destroying the crops. Vexed and agitated, the farmers one day trapped the King of the monkeys in a net and killed it. But, its body did not decay even for a year. When Hembeyas threw the body into the Kabeli, the Tammor River became bloody. Then Koka King of Baraha Region came there and with his divine power revived the dead body of the Monkey King which was floating on the Tammor River just below the confluence of the Kabeli and the Indrawati.The Monkey King again appeared and began afflicting the Hembyas in various ways. However, when they worshipped it as a divine protector of the family, it stopped its destructive activity. It has been worshipped as a domestic deity ever since. This narration is still chanted and practised in the Limbu community. Over a long period of time, as a daughter inherits all domestic gods or deities and takes them to other clans of the Limbus when she is married, many sub-castes of the Limbus today accomplish this narration and ritual practice of Monkey Divinity. So, the Hembeya caste of Limbus has cultural recognition in the community.

In addition to this, each thar, dan of Limbus has a definite place as its place of origin. The place of origin for the Hembeya Limbu is Doramba of Panchthar. As soon as they hear the thar Hembeya, the Limbus immediately recall Doramba.

14.

EULOGY

A.

FROM THE ELDEST SON

It is certainly a great joy for me today to share some of my memories of my father. I feel immensely proud to recall that my father is remembered as one of the most honoured freedom fighters of our time. As known to all Nepalese, my father dedicated his life fighting for democracy and stood firm in his principles of equality and brotherhood. All his life my father remained an upright and honest citizen. I remember he always used to teach us the finest arts of life. He was a loving father and a great human being. From a humble beginning, my father not only went on to become the torchbearer of the historic revolution of 2007 B.S. but was also a key figure in establishing the present Nepal Police. Later my father went on to become a successful diplomat. His is the story that is similar to hundreds of martyrs who sacrificed their soul for the love of their motherland.

Madhukar Yakthumha

B.

FROM THE YOUNGEST SON

I feel very honoured to be the son of such a great personality. However, it was my misfortune that I really did not get to know him personally, for I was only five when he passed away. Whatever, I know is through the stories my mother tells me about him and I try my best to live up to his expectations in the things I do. Today, I would like to take this opportunity to thank my mother for all the sacrifice, endurance, patience and hard work she has put in to keep the legacy of my father alive. Muma you are truly the embodiment of love, care, dedication and wisdom!

Nirakar Yakthumba

C.

FROM ELDER DAUGHTER

My father was a loving, caring, compassionate and generous parent. He guided us in our childhood and instilled good values and discipline. He taught us a lot of family values, to give respect to our seniors and love and understanding to our juniors. He also emphasized that there was no alternative to hard work and persistence to achieve anything in life. He was very progressive in his thinking and gave us equal opportunities as our brothers.  He believed that the best gift any parent could give their daughter was a good and sound education which would empower her to be independent, self-reliant and confident to face the challenges ahead in life. He has been my inspiration and guiding light and I have always endeavoured to live my life according to the ideals and values he endowed on us in our formative years. I am proud to be his daughter. May peace be upon him.

Bharati (Yakthumba) Gurung

D.

 FROM THE YOUNGEST DAUGHTER

The granddaughter of Mahatma Gandhi once wrote about him as someone who belonged to the entire human being. I too feel the same sentiments towards my father. Not only was he a revolutionary hero, the youngest inspector general of the Nepal Police Force and a successful diplomat, but also a loving father and above all a good human being. He was everything a father and mother could ever be to their child and he made no discrimination between

daughters and Sons regarding our upbringing. I feel that is one of the reasons why I always had the confidence and strength to face many adversities in life. He taught us to respect life and never to take anything or anyone for granted, also not to be afraid to face challenges and to live life to the fullest. The best advice he gave me was on my thirteenth birthday. He said, “To achieve one’s goals in life one had to fulfil one’s duties and responsibilities without expecting anything in return’ Anyone who ever came in touch with him was struck by his genuine and generous heart. An example of the bonding he shared with people was apparent when I visited Burma thirty-five years after his demise. The people in the cities and villages not only opened the doors to their homes but also to their hearts on knowing my identity as Gyan Bahadur Yaktbumba’s daughter. Today as an independent woman I have kept his memory alive by making a conscious effort to be a little like him. Every day I feel my father has blessed me. When he left, he left behind the world’s most precious legacy and that is his good name.

Poonam Yakthumba

15.

FIRST PERSON ACCOUNT

ON HIM

The People’s Armed Revolution 2007 13S was started on II November 1950. Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was the first of the field commanders to attack the barracks of the National Army which had been fighting for the Rana rulers. And in his field command, the Janamukti Sena first attained victory in Birgunj.

--Freedom fighter ex-SP. Tamang (2007a)

Gyan Bahadur Yakthuinba became the first commander to defeat the National Army in the history of Nepal.

--Freedom fighter ex-SP Tamang (2007a)

Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was the first high ranking government official to appoint the so-called untouchable persons as officers. He appointed Phatte Bahadur Nepali as a senior officer and Kale Damai in the Band Company as a senior officer.

--Freedom fighter ex-SP Tamang (2007a)

Gyan Bahadur Yakthuniba was the first IGP representing the Janamukti Sena.

--Freedom fighter ex-SP Tamang (2007a)

Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was the first IGP from the side of the common people and also from his community after the People’s Armed revolution2 007BS

--Freedom fighter ex-SP Tamang (2007a)

Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was the pioneer to initiate athletics in Nepal.

--Freedom fighter ex-SP Tamang (200Th)

Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba became the first victim of the National Army in the history of Nepal after King Mahendra ascended the throne.

--Freedom fighter ex-SP Tamang (2007b)

Gyan Bahadur Yakthurnba was the first and only Nepali ambassador who became the Dean of the Diplomats in Burma.

— Freedom fighter ex-SP Tamang (200Th)

Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was the first person who endeavoured to institutionalize actions against corruptions.

-- Freedom Fighter Narendra Lama (2007a)

Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba and Puran Singh were the initiators of greeting “Jai Nepal” first in the Janamukti Sena and later in the Nepal Police.

-- Freedom fighter ex-SP Tamang (200Th)

The first outliner of dividing the country into fourteen zones was Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba; he did it at Shree Mahal when he was IGP

— Freedom fighter Lama (2007a)

Gyan Bahadur Yakthuniba started the tradition of worshipping the Nava Durga  Goddess by erecting a Maulo in Kathmandu; he first erected a Maulo at Shree

Mahal when he was IGR

— Freedom fighter Lama (200Th)

Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was the first planner to commemorate all the martyrs of the nation in trophies; he asked Bom Bahadur Budhathoki to design trophies of all the then martyrs of the nation at Biratnagar.

-- Freedom Fighter Lama (200Th)

The making of badges of rank in the Nepal Police, various symbols such as white Kalas of the Temple of Guheshwori etc. was initially conceived by IGP Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba and was assisted by Harsh Dhoj Rai and Han Das

Shrestha, an inhabitant of Baudha.

— Freedom Fighter Narendra (200Th)

16.

WHAT OTHERS

SAY OF HIM

“Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was endowed richly with versatility.”

-- Freedom fighter ex-SP Tamang (2007a)

“Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba had initiated a kind of model society, and had he remained alive longer and his initiation been perfected, perhaps the present problem, the touchy issue of the caste system would not have appeared today in its most detestable form.”

-- Freedom fighter ex-SP Tamang (2007a)

“He is the only IGP in the history of the Nepal Police Force, who had enough time to spare for his Juniors, listen to their problems and help them individually.”

-- Freedom fighter ex-SP Tamang (2007a)

“Even such a man with dominating personality like Nara Shumsher Rana felt compelled to bow his head down, in a kind of silent submission of an adamant personality to Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba; he never faced him directly. People could not face Nara Shumsher directly, but he himself in turn never had a direct eye contact with Yakthumba. In the history of the Nepal Police, there wasn’t any IGP like Yakthumba in the past, nor is there at present, nor will there be again in the future, but I think Yakthuniba was the first and the last IGP of such a rare, dominant personality.”

--Freedom fighter ex-SP Tamang (2007a)

“Can you imagine any IGP attending cabinet meetings in Nepal? But, yes, Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba did attend! At present, no IGP can do this, nor did anyone before him, nor will anyone do in the future.”

--Freedom fighter ex-SP Tamang (2007a)

“He also had a warm feeling of friendship and openness.”

--Freedom fighter ex-SP Tamang (2007a)

“If Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba c proposal was accepted the situation of present Nepal would have certainly been different. The Nepalese people would have by now long exercised democratic political system in the country.”

--Freedom fighter ex-SP Tamang (2007a)

“Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was a true, honest servant of the nation.”

--Mrs. Indira Yakthumba (2006)

“Gyan Baliadur Yakthumba was a person of principle.”

--Mrs. Yakthumba (2007b)

“Gyan Baliadur Yakthumba was always kind and generous to the needy people.”

--Mrs. Yakthumba (2007d)

“Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba was a practical person. He had a deep feeling of and respect for gender equity,’; he practised it in his life.”

--Freedom fighter Narendra Lama (2007b)

“Gyan Bahadur Yakthumba truly respected the martyrs, and initiated the tradition of martyr-trophies.”

--Freedom fighter Lama (2007b)

“I was very fond of (Gyan Bahadur) Yakthumba who was a courageous and daring person. What I felt was that a plan is made during a normal war, but courage and daring fulfil all the lack during a revolutionary action — it was my opinion; otherwise, we did not have weapons. (Gyan Bahadur) Yakthuniba was a person as such.”

--B.P. Koirala

17.

Thank you!